31 May 1443 – Birth of Lady Margaret Beaufort,  Countess of Richmond and Derby.She was the mother of King Henry VII and paternal grandmother of King Henry VIII of England. She was a key figure in the Wars of the Roses and an influential matriarch of the House of Tudor. She founded two prominent Cambridge Colleges; Christ's College in 1505, and St John's College in 1511.

1495-Death of Cecily Neville, Duchess of York ,wife of Richard Plantagenet, 3rd Duke of York and the mother of two Kings:Edward IV and Richard III.

1514-Henry VIII. to Wolsey

"Has spoken to the Duke [of Longueville], who "was as ill afraid, as ever he was in his life, lest no good effect should come to pass" touching the treaty. The King expressed his willingness to come to terms if reasonable offers be made to him. He stipulated that Louis (considering how much of Henry's inheritance he withholds and how much Henry's amity may help "his matter in Italy") should pay 100,000 cr. yearly and that the amity should be made during their lives and one year after; which amity once granted, the alliance of marriage will not be refused."

Princess Mary (sister of Henry VIII)

A minute, in Fox's hand, of an agreement on the part of the King of France to receive jewellery and furniture to the value of 200,000 crowns, as the dowry of the Princess Mary, reserving certain conditions as to their restoration.

1529-The legatine court called by the Pope formally opens in the parliament chamber of Blackfriars.

Clement VIII to Henry VIII

Stephen Gardiner and Francis Bryan will testify his desire to oblige the King. The King cannot doubt of his affection and his gratitude for his services to the See Apostolic, but he cannot proceed as the King desires without grave reproach. Refers him to Campeggio. Rome, 31 May 1529

1533 – Anne Boleyn’s coronation procession through the streets of London, from the Tower of London to Westminster Abbey.

"On Thursday, 29 May 1533, 25 Hen. VIII., the lady Anne marchioness of Pembroke was received at Greenwich, and conveyed to the Tower of London, and thence to Westminster, where she was crowned queen of England.

Order was taken by the King and his Council for all the Lords spiritual and temporal to be in the barge before Greenwich at 3 p.m., and give their attendance till the Queen took her barge. The mayor of London, Stephen Pecocke, haberdasher, had 48 barges in attendance richly decked with arras, hung with banners and with pennons of the arms of the crafts in fine gold, and having in them trumpets, shallands, and minstrels ; also every barge decked with ordnance of guns, "the won to heill the other troumfettly as the tyme dyd require." Also there was the bachelor's barge sumptuously decked, and divers foists with great shot of ordnance, which went before all the barges. Order given that when her Grace's barge came "anontes" Wapping mills, knowledge should be given to the Tower to begin to shoot their ordnance. Commandment given to Sir Will. Vinstonne (Kingston), constable of the Tower, and Sir Edw. Wallsyngham, lieutenant of the Tower, to keep a space free for her landing. It was marvellous sight how the barges kept such good order and space between them that every man could see the decking and garnishing of each, "and how the banars and penanntes of armis of their craftes, the which were beaten of fyne gould, yllastring so goodly agaynste the sonne, and allso the standardes, stremares of the conisaunsys and devisis ventylyng with the wynd, allso the trompettes blowyng, shallmes and mistrielles playng, the which war a ryght symtivis and a tryhumfantt syght to se and to heare all the way as they paste upon the water, to her the sayd marvelles swett armone of the sayd ynstermentes, the which soundes to be a thinge of a nother world. This and this order hir Grace pasyng till she came a nontt Rattlyffe."

The Queen was "hallsyd with gones forth of the shippes" on every side, which could not well be numbered, especially at Ratcliffe. When she came over against Wapping mills the Tower "lousyd their ordinaunce" most triumphantly, shooting four guns at once.

At her landing, a long lane was made among the people to the King's bridge at the entrance of the Tower. She was received on coming out of her barge by Sir Edw. Walsingham, lieutenant of the Tower, and Sir Will. Kinston, constable of the Tower. The officers of arms gave their attendance ; viz., Sir Thos. Writhe, Garter king-of-arms, Clarencieux and Norroy kings-of-arms, Carlisle, Richmond, Windsor, Lancaster, York, and Chester heralds ; the old duchess of Norfolk bearing her train ; the lord Borworth (sic), chamberlain to her Grace, supporting it, &c. A little further on she was received by lord Sandes, the King's chamberlain, lord Hause (Hussey), chamberlain with the Princess, the lord Windsor, the lord Nordunt (Mordaunt?), and others ; afterwards by the bishops of Winchester and London, the earl of Oxford, chamberlain of England, lord Will. Haworth, marshal of England, as deputy to his brother Thos. duke of Norfolk, the earl of Essex, &c.

Somewhat within the Tower she was received by the King, who laid his hands on both her sides, kissing her with great reverence and a joyful countenance, and led her to her chamber, the officers of arms going before. After which every man went to his lodging, except certain noblemen and officers in waiting. The King and Queen went to supper, and "after super ther was sumptuus void."

On Friday, 30 May, all noblemen, &c. repaired to Court, and in a long chamber within the Tower were ordained 18 "baynes," in which were 18 noblemen all that night, who received the order of knighthood on Saturday, Whitsun eve. Also there were 63 knights made with the sword in honor of the coronation. Then all the nobles, knights, squires, and gentlemen were warned to attend on horseback, on the Tower Hill on Saturday next, to accompany her Grace to Westminster, to do service at the coronation."

Charles V. to his Ambassador at Rome.

Informs him of what has been discussed in his Council, in order that the same points may be laid before an assembly of councillors and advocates of the Queen. The best method of executing prompt justice was also to be discussed. Wishes the interdict to be the extreme penalty, as the people of England would not dare to observe it, and most of the people are opposed to the divorce, and should not suffer. Then again his subjects in the Netherlands would be injured, as no commerce is allowed with a people under interdict.

1534-Sir Thomas. More to Margaret Roper.

Prefatory Note by Editor of More's English Works.—Within a while after Sir Thos. More was in prison in the Tower, his daughter, Mrs. Margaret Roper, wrote and sent unto him a letter, wherein she seemed somewhat to labor to persuade him to take the oath (though she nothing so thought), to win thereby credence with Mr. Thomas Cromwell, that she might the rather get liberty to have free resort unto her father (which she only had for the most time of his imprisonment), unto which letter her father wrote an answer, the copy whereof here followeth:—

The terrible things he hears about himself are not so grievous to him as her letter trying to persuade him to the thing-wherein of pure necessity, for respect unto his own soul, he has often given her precise answer before. To the points of her letter can make no answer, having sundry times told her that he will disclose to no one the matters which move his conscience. Desires her to leave off such labor and be content with her former answers. A greater grief than the fear of his own death is that he hears that her husband, herself, his wife, and other children and friends are in danger of harm. Can only commit all to God, whom he prays to incline the King's heart to favor them all, and himself no better than his faithful heart to his Highness deserves. If the King could see his true mind as God knows it, it would soon assuage his high displeasure. Can never show it in this world but that the King may be persuaded to believe the contrary, and must put all in the hands of Him for fear of whose displeasure he suffers this trouble, out of which he prays God to bring him, when His will shall be, into the endless bliss of Heaven, and meanwhile to give him and her grace, in their agonies and troubles, to resort prostrate unto the remembrance of the Saviour's bitter agony.

Margaret Roper to Sir Thomas. More.

Note by Editor.—To this last letter Mrs. Margaret Roper wrote an answer and sent it to Sir Thos. More, her father, the copy whereof here followeth:—

It is no little comfort, since she cannot talk with him by such means as she would, to delight herself in this bitter time of his absence by often writing to him and reading his most fruitful and delectable letter, the faithful messenger of his virtuous and ghostly mind. Doubts not that God holds His holy hand over him, and will preserve him, both body and soul, now when he has abjected all earthly consolations and resigned himself to His holy protection. Their comfort since his departure has been their experience of his past life and godly conversation, wholesome counsel and virtuous example, and a surety of a great increase thereof.

Prays that God will help them to follow what they praise in him. “Your own most loving obedient daughter and bedeswoman, Margaret Roper, which desireth above all worldly things to be in John a Woods's  stead, to do you some service. But we live in hope that we shall shortly receive you again. I pray God heartily we may, if it be His holy will.

Thomas More to all his Friends.

Being in prison, and not knowing what need he may have or what necessity he may be in, begs the*** all that if Margaret Roper, who alone has the King's licence to resort to him, desires anything of them that he may happen to need, they will regard it as if he asked it personally. Begs them to pray for him, and he will pray for them.

1536- Jane Boleyn, widow of Lord Rochford, to Cromwell

Beseeching him to obtain from the King for her the stuff and plate of her husband. The King and her father paid 2,000 marks for her jointure to the earl of Wyltchere, and she is only assured of 100 marks during the Earl's life, "which is very hard for me to shift the world withal." Prays him to inform the King of this. 

1590 – Birth of Frances Howard, Countess of Somerset, daughter of Thomas Howard, 1st Earl of Suffolk, and his second wife, Katherine Knyvett.She was an English noblewoman who was the central figure in a famous scandal and murder during the reign of King James I. She was found guilty but spared execution, and was eventually pardoned by the King and released from the Tower of London in early 1622.

 1621-Sir Francis Bacon was imprisoned in the Tower for four days on charges of accepting bribes and impeachment whilst he held political office.

source:http://www.mylifeatthetoweroflondon.com/,http://www.british-history.ac.uk/,wikipedia

30 May 1416-Jerome of Prague is burned as a heretic by the Church.He was a Czech church reformer and one of the chief followers of Jan Hus who was burned for heresy at the Council of Constance.

1431-Joan of Arc is burned at the stake by the English.

1472 – Death of Jaquetta de Luxembourg, Duchess of Bedford, Countess Rivers and mother of Elizabeth Woodville. She was the elder daughter of Peter I, Count of Saint-Pol, Conversano and Brienne and his wife Margaret de Baux (Margherita del Balzo of Andria). She was a relatively long-lived figure in the Wars of the Roses. Through her short-lived first marriage to the Duke of Bedford, brother of King Henry V, she was firmly allied to the House of Lancaster. However, following the emphatic Lancastrian defeat at the Battle of Towton she sided closely with the House of York. Three years after the battle and the accession of Edward IV of England, her eldest daughter Elizabeth Woodville married the new King to become his Queen Consort. Jacquetta bore 14 children (all with her second husband) and withstood a trial or possibly two at court for witchcraft.

1509-Bond of Francesco Grimaldi, Luigi de Vivaldo and Dominico Lomelyn for 45,000 ducats on account of the dower of Princess Katharine of Aragon. London, 30 May, 1509.

1519-Sir Thomas Boleyn to Henry VIII.

Immediately on hearing his pleasure, ordered Anthony Browne the bearer and Percival Hart to prepare themselves to go to England. Went with them to the King to take leave. He received them kindly, and said he had appointed them gentlemen of his house, and they should have the usual wages, 200 crs. a year. At their departure they received a whole year's wages, and their place and wages will be kept for them whenever they return. Browne has demeaned himself very well, and given good attendance, whereby he is much esteemed here. Writes more at length of other affairs to the Legate. Poissy, 30 May.

1525 – Wolsey proclaimed the King’s pardon for the rebels involved in the Amicable Grant Rebellion.

1529 - The Court at Blackfriars opened

Receipt by Stephen Gardiner and Peter Vannes of 3,000 g. cr. of the sun from Ansaldo de Grimaldis, merchant of Genoa, for the King's service, on letters of credit from D. Jo. Joachin sent from Venice; of which sum Gardiner received 1,500 cr., and 1,500 cr. were retained by Vannes partly on account and partly to despatch bulls. 30 May 1529.

1530-Croke to Henry VIII

In addition to the number mentioned in his last letters, has obtained the signatures of 18 doctors to the assertion of the conclusion, which he encloses with their names. Sends also extracts from the bishop of Worcester's letters, showing the advice received from him at different times in the King's name. Has not followed it altogether, for fear of rumor. Has treated of the King's causes only with father Franciscus Georgius, Joannes Franciscus Marinus, Thomas Omnibonus, and Simon Ardeus, otherwise called Simonetus, whose letters to the King he gave to the bishop of London on 15 May. Has been present, though unknown, when many doctors signed, and saw that only fear of the Pope prevented many from speaking and writing according to their learning and conscience. Doubted the Pope's granting open licence to speak freely, from his fear of the Emperor; and therefore asked the bishop of London to cause Ghinucci to tell the friars that the Pope wished every man to write and speak freely, if any question was put to them concerning matrimony in the behalf of the king of England, and that he should write that he had spoken with the Pope and perfectly knew his mind. If he did this, and leave was obtained from the Senate, would have no doubt of obtaining most of Italy, for the auditor Cameræ Apostolicæ is held in high estimation. Padua, 30 May.

1533 - Anne Boleyn begins her procession from the Tower to Whitehall Palace for her coronation

1536 - Marriage of King Henry VIII and Jane Seymour

1555 - Burnings of Protestant martyrs John Cardmaker  and John Warne  at Smithfield.

1574 - Death of Charles IX, King of France 

1574 – Henry III becomes King of France.

1582 - Executions of Jesuit priest Thomas Cottam at Tyburn.

1588 – The last ship of the Spanish Armada sets sail from Lisbon heading for the English Channel.

1593 - Death of Christopher Marlowe, playwright and poet. He was stabbed to death at a house in Deptford Strand, near London.

source:http://www.onthisdayintudorhistory.com/,http://www.british-history.ac.uk/

29 May 1500 – Death of Thomas Rotherham, Archbishop of York

1521-.CHARLES V. to HENRY VIII.

Have received by Sir Ric. Wingfield, your ambassador, your letters of the 5th, and am glad to hear of the good health and prosperity of yourself and my aunt. Was pleased with his charge, which showed the continuance of Henry's good wishes and affection. As to his request that Charles should not commence a war, is determined not to be the first to break the peace, as he has always written to the Bishop of Badajoz and Helna. I have not been the first to do so, as I have showed your ambassador; but I cannot endure the continued infractions of treaties, which increase daily. Has spoken more fully to Henry's ambassador, and also written to the Bishop of Helna, for whom he desires credence. Worms, 29 May 1521

1522 - Henry VIII declared war on France

CLARENCIEUX'S DECLARATION against FRANCIS I.

The King has been frequently required by the Emperor to declare himself enemy to Francis in accordance with the treaty of London, on account of the invasion of Navarre, and the attempts of Rob. de la Marche, but wished rather to bring the Emperor and him to concord, and for that reason sent the cardinal of York to Calais. Although Francis was proved to be the invader, by his letters to the count de Cariat (Carpi) and other things, the King wished the Cardinal to forbear the declaration, and to continue the diet, that some means might be found to pacify their variances; and after his return, he continued to apply to Francis' mother for the furtherance of peace, and it was promised that persons should be sent to bring matters to a conclusion. The affair, however, was always delayed; and meanwhile Albany has been sent to Scotland, in contempt of the King who is supreme lord [thereof], to the danger of the young King and the dishonor of his mother, whom Albany has endeavored to separate from her husband, "and damnably to contract matrimony with her." The payment of the King's money has been refused, and Ric. de la Pole, his rebellious subject, entertained, contrary to Francis' oath. Francis has also allowed his subjects to rob the King's lieges at sea, and refused redress; he retains strangers not being his subjects in wages; he has caused the garrison of Tournay to make excursions against Flanders, and has acted more like an enemy than a friend to England. The King has therefore instructed Clarencieux to intimate to Francis that he will take part with the Emperor against him.

The message of the herald of England to the king of France.

On the 29th May, the French king gave audience to the English herald at Lyons. He said that his master bade the French king beware of him, as he was his mortal enemy, on account of his infraction of the treaty of Ardre,

—(1.) by making war on the Emperor, and assisting Mons. de Sedan; 

(2.) by employing foreigners; 

(3.) by allowing Albany to go to Scotland; 

(4.) by invading Navarre;

 (5.) by discontinuing his pensions to the king of England, and causing the French to pillage his ships._The French king, without waiting to deliberate, replied as follows:

—(1.) That he never assisted the sieur de Sedan, but offered to assist the Emperor against him, if he wished it. 

(2.) He was obliged to hire the Swiss, because the Emperor invaded Champagne, and took Moson under pretence of making war on Sedan; and before he engaged them, the king of England had an ambassador there, who gave them 50,000 angelots not to enter the service of France.

 (3.) The duke of Albany left without his knowledge, and he has tried without success to make him return. 

(4.) There was nothing about Navarre in the treaty of Ardre, but the king of England promised to put the said kingdom into his hands in three months, which he has not done. (5.) As to the pension, he has felt assured for two years that the King is his mortal enemy, and he will not pay him money to be used against himself. In proof of this assertion he offers to show articles, signed by Henry, and sent by him to the late Pope. Finally, he said he would give the lie to any man who said he had not kept the promise he made at Ardres; if this was Henry's only complaint, it was a bad one, and whenever he chose to come into the field he would be beforehand with him. "Imprimé à Lyon. Cum privilegio."

1527-TREATY between FRANCIS I. and HENRY VIII.

For the entertainment of an army of 30,000 foot and 1,000 lanceknights in Italy against the enemy. Sir Thomas More and Stephen Gardiner, archdeacon of Taunton, acting as commissioners for England, and Gabriel de Grammont bishop of Tarbe, and John Joachin, for France. Wolsey's visit to France is here arranged. Westminster, 29 May 

1533 – Pageant on the River Thames for Queen Anne Boleyn’s coronation.

Rob. Tomlynson, Alderman of Our Lady's Guild in Boston, to Cromwell.

It pleased you to show me the King's letters for preparing a present for him against the Queen's coronation. The letters came not to my knowledge, which I regret. I have endeavoured since to provide such wild fowl as I could get in these parts, i.e. six cranes, six bitterns, and three dozen godwits, all of which I send you by Thos. Chapman. Please let Geoffrey Chamber know what you will have done with them. Boston, 29 May.

Chapuys to Charles V.

The duke of Norfolk, who was to have left on the 26th, the date of my last letters, has, by the King's command, remained two days longer ; and this, I think, partly to negotiate with me on matters I shall report hereafter. The day before yesterday he sent to me, early in the morning, an honest man to desire that I would immediately send my most confidential servant to communicate with him on some matters ; and considering that on every account my own going would be better than sending any of my servants, I repaired to him immediately, but in disguise and secretly, for the consideration which, as I wrote, prevented me from going to bid him adieu.

After thanking me for the trouble I had taken in coming to him, he said he was going to this meeting of two as great princes as there were in Christendom, where, if it had pleased God that your Majesty had been present, he was sure it would not have been your fault if a most perfect peace and amity were not concluded ; of which matter he said your Majesty held the keys, and everything depended upon it, and that since there was no hope of your being personally present, the greatest good that could come would be by your sending ministers well inclined to union. And, either for a joke, or as an acknowledgment of my trouble, or, as the phrase goes, to offer a candle to the enemy, he was pleased to say that he would like much that I were one of the said ministers ; wishing also, but with better cause, that the Nuncio here were with his Holiness. To this I replied that it never was owing to your Majesty, nor would be, that Christendom was not perfectly united, declaring the intolerable labors and expenses you had sustained for that end, and that your Majesty desired nothing more than to increase the amity with the King his master, as all the world could easily see. And as it appeared that the union of which he spoke depended on the matter of this cursed marriage, he must not say that your Majesty held the key, but if the King his master would allow it to be determined by an impartial tribunal like the Pope [that would be sufficient]. For this cause he ought to desire that his master should be present at the interview in order that they might urge him to act in this manner, which was all that your Majesty demanded, and which could not be refused to the least person in the world. As to the ministers of your Majesty with his Holiness and the most Christian King, after I had declared their sufficiency, he was satisfied ; praying me, nevertheless, that I would write to them by all means to show themselves tractable and do their duty at the said meeting. He added, that he wished your Majesty would send again plenty of ambassadors thither, of whom some should be men of authority, as his master was sending thither many persons, and not among the least persons of the kingdom, and it would be necessary that some one should be there who knew the importance of the common interests of your Majesty's countries and this kingdom. The end of his talk was, that no one was more fit than De Praet, whose appointment he begged me to solicit ; and on my saying I did not think you would send more ambassadors without being desired by the Pope, and that I was astonished he had been so long in giving me notice, he answered as to the first that he fully believed that your Majesty had been long ago apprised by the Pope, who would not have dared to treat of this without your consent ; and as to not having informed me sooner, it was because the French king had requested his master to keep it as secret as possible, and to disclose it to no one but him and one other. This was about three months ago ; since which time the French king had renewed his request several times, that an ambassador should be nominated to go to the said meeting, which charge he desired to perform even at the loss of one of his fingers. He told me afterwards that the King his master had taken in very good part the warnings I had given to Cromwell to avoid occasions of irritating your Majesty ; that he had been very much grieved that the arms of the Queen had been not only taken from her barge, but also rather shamefully mutilated ; and that he had rather roughly rebuked the Lady's chamberlain, not only for having taken away the said arms, but for having seized the barge, which belonged only to the Queen, especially as there are in the river many others quite as suitable. I praised the King's goodwill touching the arms, and for the rest I said there was no need of excuse, for what belonged to the Queen was the King's still more ; adding that I was now encouraged to hope that the King would see to the honorable treatment of the Queen and Princess ; for, as I said to Cromwell, the pretence of a scruple of conscience could not extend to their treatment ; and if they were ill-used, besides the displeasure of God, he would incur blame from all the world, and greatly irritate your Majesty. On this he spoke as highly of both of them as could be, and said he was very sure your Majesty loved the Princess naturally, but that he thought he loved her more. He mentioned, among other virtues of the Queen, the great modesty and patience she had shown, not only during these troubles, but also before them, the King being continually inclined to amours. And as to the said treatment, he was sure the King would not diminish her dower, of about 24,000 ducats, assigned to her in the time of prince Arthur, if she would content herself with the state a widow princess ought to keep. To this I said I thought the King so wise and humane that, in consideration of the virtue of the Queen, the long and good service she had done him, and also of her kindred, he would not diminish anything of what she had had till then, and I begged him to use his influence to that effect. He swore by his faith "quil avoit bachier (?) plus de 10,000 escuz" that I had spoken to him on this subject ; for unless I had opened this door to him, he would not have dared to moot the question for all the gold in the world, but after our communications he would urge the affair to the end, and do his very best, in accordance with my suggestions to Cromwell. He said the King had also taken very well my suggestion that he should write a letter to your Majesty in defence of what he has done in this matter. I protested to him, as I had done to Cromwell, that what I had said was not as ambassador, but as one devoted to the service of the King, and anxious for peace ; and as to the said letter, if it did not produce all the effect that the King desired, I hoped he would not reproach me for having solicited it, as it pleased him once to tell me touching the mission of the earl of Wiltshire. Norfolk said there was no fear of this, and begged that I would communicate (fere tenir) the said letter to his Majesty's ambassador, which would be in a packet which he would send me for the said ambassador. This I promised. Nevertheless, I have not yet received the packet.

On this, not wishing to wait dinner, though he desired me, I returned with the intention of sending to him later a servant of mine, which I did. By him and also by Brian Tuke he sent to me to say that he had determined to come to me tomorrow early at my lodging ; but as his departure was to be so abrupt, the King would not let him move a step further from him in order to discuss the affairs of his charge, and therefore he begged me very urgently that I would go there, and that he hoped that we should do or at least begin some good work. Next morning I went secretly to see him in his chamber, when he replied to me, as to writing for the despatch of the persons above mentioned, that if your Majesty desired the peace and union to be accomplished, there was no excuse from the shortness of time, for you could receive my letters in 15 days ; and as the meeting was not to begin till about the 5th July people could leave Barcelona in time for it, and be there quite as soon as he. He therefore begged me diligently to write, although I put before him the reasons already alleged, and also to see that the King's packet for his ambassador should go along with mine. As to the treatment of the Queen, he said that the King by their laws was no longer bound to the Queen with respect to the dower she had by prince Arthur ; and moreover that by virtue of the Act passed in this last Parliament, as the Queen would not obey it, the King might use rigour and diminish even the dower she has. Nevertheless, for the reasons which I had mentioned on the previous day and for others, the King would treat her honorably, not indeed so liberally as when she was Queen, unless she would submit to the sentence of divorce which the archbishop of Canterbury [had given] ; and he thought I had so much influence with her that I might induce her to do so, by which I should acquire inestimable glory, and be the cause of as great a benefit as could be done not only to this kingdom but to Christendom, which remained disunited simply on this account ; also that this way would be more effectual than any other, for if your Majesty would enter into war on this account, it would be the greatest calamity to Christendom. Moreover that it was impossible to fly into this kingdom (que lon ne peult vouler dans ce royaulme), and that, being there, they would find people to talk to, and very difficult to subdue or even to injure ; and as to making war upon them by the sea, they, having the aid of France, of which they were as much assured as of their own people, would fear no power whatever. Further he ventured to affirm that if you attempted to make war upon this kingdom you would not be without anxiety to guard your own countries from their friends and allies, who were neither few nor unimportant. For, besides the king of France, who was most constant to them, they had the king of Scotland entirely at their command ; who, since the one year's truce made with the King, was anxious for nothing but the conclusion of a peace ; and he dared affirm that the Scotch king would come here before 10 months, when a marriage would be concluded between him and the daughter of the king of France. Moreover, they had the friendship of a great part of Germany, and Italy was not so well affected to your Majesty as you might think. He doubted not that the Spaniards, for their courage, and the sake of their reputation, and for the glory of previous victories, would stimulate your Majesty to war ; but he trusted your Majesty was too prudent and regardful of ancient friendship and good offices done to you and your predecessors to lend an ear to such advisers, especially considering the arrogance of the Spaniards, who for want of payment have lately mutinied against you.

I answered as to this last, that I knew nothing of it, and, if true, it was not of much importance, for it had happened to many valiant commanders. As to the rest, although there were sufficiently apparent reasons by which to answer him, and also about the injustice done to the Queen, yet as I had come to hear something else, and in order to let him understand that I did not make very much of the terrors which he wished to raise up, I said as little as possible, merely remarking by way of joke that your Majesty was much bound to those who had greater consideration for your injuries than for their own, and that all the world knew your Majesty would not make war, even against those from whom you had received no favor, without being compelled by a very just quarrel ; and that in such a case, with the help of God, in whom you placed your trust, you could manage your own affairs ; and, moreover, there was no prince in the world who, in my opinion, had better means of obtaining friendships. With this reply I should have left him in a sweat without going further, but I begged him that we might not speak as if war would take place, but rather how to avoid occasion of it ; which would never be given on the part of your Majesty. As to what he said of the justice of the Queen, since argument was to no purpose, I made no reply to him ; but as to the first point, if he wished me to induce the Queen to submit to the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, I denied that I had any influence over her ; and, to speak frankly, if I had I would not use it to that effect for all the gold in the world, unless your Majesty should command me ; and though I was sure you would never consent to anything except what justice would ordain, yet, to gratify the King, I would write to you about all this, and if perhaps I received your commandment to enter upon such a course, which I did not expect, I would show the King the desire I had to do him service, and help in the preservation of amity. On this the Duke swore by the faith he owed to God that I spoke like an honest man, and that he could not press me further, but begged me to do in this and all else the best I could. Your Majesty will see to what they are reduced when they address themselves to me, when they know very well, as the King once told me, and as I have written to your Majesty, that I have always been and am most devoted to the right of the Queen ; so that it must be said either that they are in very great fear, or think me mad, or are themselves altogether blind. And in order to play the part of a corsair among corsairs (pour jouer avec eulx de courssaire a courssaires), I have a little dissembled with the Duke about the treatment of the said ladies, in accordance with your Majesty's commands, awaiting your determination for the remedy of this matter. I have written the said conversations of the Duke in plain writing, because he uttered them in order that I might inform your Majesty ; and if, perhaps, he spoke them of himself without command of the King or his Council, I might have given greater faith to what he said to me of their friendships and intelligences, because by nature he is no great dissembler or inventer. And not to speak of the rest, as to the Scots, whatever confidence they have here to have the said Scots at their command, I know for certain that since the date the truce is said to have been concluded, the said Scots have taken several ships at different times, the last being not ten days ago, when they took seven very rich vessels. The Duke, as to what I had said, that the presence of his master would be very desirable at the said meeting, answered that it would be of no use ; for if the Pope, the king of France, and all the world were to attempt it, they could not persuade the King to take back the Queen,—such was the scruple of his conscience, joined to the despair of having issue by her ; and that it was in vain for the Pope to give sentence, for they will make no account of it or of his censures. No doubt it would give them some trouble, but for that they cared not ; and if, perhaps, by reason of the said censures, Spain and Flanders would cease intercourse with the English, the others would share in the injury, and they would send part of their merchandize to Flanders and the rest to Calais, where your subjects to their great inconvenience would be compelled to get their wools, which were indispensable to them, as he said. To this I made no reply, but smiled. After this he began to excuse himself that he had not been a promoter of this marriage, but had always dissuaded it ; and had it not been for him and her father, who pretended to be mad to have better means of opposing this marriage, it would have been done secretly a year ago ; on which account the Lady was very indignant against both of them. In confirmation of this, I have learned from a very good authority, and from one who was present, that eight days since, the Lady having put in a piece to enlarge her gown, as ladies do when in the family way, her father told her she ought to take it away, and thank God to find herself in such condition ; and she, in presence of Norfolk, Suffolk, and the treasurer of the household, replied by way of announcement, that she was in better condition than he would have desired. On departure, the Duke made me many gracious offers of his person and goods, recommending the sending of the said packet, and great care in writing to send personages to the said meeting, and above all to make his recommendations to your Majesty, to whom, after the King his master, he desires most to do service. This he said several times in the presence of the whole Council. I have not been with them since.

The Duke left two hours after I had returned, so that neither he nor his company, among which is the brother of the Lady, have delayed one day to see the triumph in which the Lady has today come from Greenwich to the Tower. She was accompanied by several bishops and lords, and innumerable people, in the form that other queens have been accustomed to be received ; and, whatever regret the King may have shown at the taking of the Queen's barge, the Lady has made use of it in this triumph, and appropriated it to herself. God grant she may content herself with the said barge and the jewels and husband of the Queen, without attempting anything, as I have heretofore written, against the persons of the Queen and Princess. The said triumph consisted entirely in the multitude of those who took part in it, but all the people showed themselves as sorry as though it had been a funeral. I am told their indignation increases daily, and that they live in hope your Majesty will interfere. On Saturday the Lady will pass all through London and go to the King's lodging, and on Sunday to Westminster, where the ceremony of the coronation will take place. London, 29 May 1533

Henry VIII.'s Divorce and Second Marriage.

"Relacion de las cartas del Embaxador de Roma, 29 de Maio."

Account of the audience given to cardinal Tournon in the Consistory on May 22.

Among other things, he said to the Cardinals in general that the king of France would back up the English cause, and he told the Pope how he intended to do it. When he and his Holiness met, he would beg him not to proceed against the king of England ; and the Pope would reply that as he has done such a base and disrespectful act, he must declare and deprive him. Francis would send this reply to the king of England, and give him to understand that as he knew he was excommunicated, he could not keep his oath of friendship to him against the Church. He believed the king of England would then consent to appear before the Pope, if his Holiness fixed some place free from danger and suspicion, and would meanwhile separate from Anne, and restore the Queen to the palace, though not to his bed.

To this the Ambassador said he replied to his Holiness that this answer of the King was not what he hoped, and as uncertain as the former, and, he thought, rather to the Queen's injury. He maintained that the French only sought this interview for their own profit. The Pope replied that he had discussed this method with the Emperor, who was not dissatisfied with it. The Ambassador suspects that it has been arranged with the knowledge of the king of England.

Further remarks about the interview, for which the Pope will not start until the first rain (agua) of August.

1534-Chapuys to Charles V.

On Saturday, Whitsuneve, I was informed by the Queen that the Bishops and others sent to her by the King to make her swear to the statute passed against her and the Princess, among other rude and harsh words which they used, had expressly threatened her with the penalties contained in the said statute, telling her it involved death. Thus they hoped to stagger her; but she remained all the more firm, replying among other things that if there was any one who had come to do such execution let him come forward, and she wished for nothing more except that if she was to die, it should be in public and not in a chamber or other secret place. I was also informed that certain maids who had likewise refused the oath had been shut up in a chamber, and that her confessor, physician and apothecary were forbidden to leave the house, and four other servants were put in prison. To remedy this as far as I could, I went by the command of the Queen immediately to Richmond where the King was, whom I warned beforehand by one of my servants that I was coming. He was astonished at my sudden arrival without having sent to demand audience, and I think he was not well pleased. Nevertheless he ordered, late as the hour was, that the Duke should attend me to dinner. After which the Duke in presence of the Marquis, Treasurer, Comptroller, Rochford, the bishop of Ely and captain of the guard, began to say that the King had been astonished as aforesaid at my coming, which was contrary to custom, especially as your majesty had forbidden his ambassador to take part in your feasts and triumphs without being invited, or to enter the Court until either he was summoned or he had spoken to Granvelle. The King therefore wondered if I had written [to your Majesty] that I could not obtain an audience when I asked for it, the Duke adding that he also had occasion to complain of me for his part, that I had suspected him sometimes of getting an audience that I wished for deferred. I told him, as to the first, that I knew nothing of it, and that your majesty would not have made that order without reasonable cause, at which the King should not be displeased. As to the second, having repeated all that passed before I wrote my last letter to the King, I acknowledged that an audience never has been refused me when I asked for it precisely and not alternatively, as I did when it was delayed. With this he was perfectly satisfied, and so also was the King, as he informed me afterwards. After these complaints the Duke intimated to me that if the matters for which I had come were private and not of importance, the King did not wish to be troubled with them, as his Council would settle them, but if they were important, he would hear me. I answered that I thought them of very great importance, and I had no doubt he would take the trouble to hear me; nevertheless knowing their virtue and good disposition to preserve the amity, and that by their dexterity they could insinuate it more graciously to the King than myself, I would explain it to them. I then did so as courteously as I could, exhorting them for many reasons to obtain a remedy, on which they retired to a corner of the room to consult together before making report to the King. Shortly afterwards the King, who was in a hurry to go hunting, sent to ask for them, and when they had remained some time with him they returned with the answer that the King, as he had several times told me, had no superior, colleague or controller in this realm or elsewhere, who could interfere with his laws, which all his subjects and the inhabitants of his kingdom were bound to obey; and as to the recent measures above referred to, it was no use talking about them till some of his commissioners had returned, and when he had heard all, he would make answer to me both upon those matters and about the licence I had asked to visit the Queen, which she desires so much, as she has sent to me to say. The Duke and the others also told me that the King was quite satisfied with my answer to the complaints made to me by the said Duke, and that they also thought I should have occasion to be satisfied with the answer the King would give me when he had heard the report of his commissioners, but till then nothing could be settled or discussed; and for this reason, the King, thinking it unnecessary to give me audience, had gone to the chase.

In the end I spoke to them about a ship of St. Sebastian that was taken last year by some Englishmen, and showed them the letter you had written to me thereupon, setting forth the injustice of the case, which they promised should be remedied according to justice.

Although since Whitsunday some of the above-mentioned commissioners have returned to Court and I have solicited an answer, there has been no chance yet of getting it, and yesterday Cromwell sent to beg me to have patience till Monday next, when I should have one without fail. Everybody fears some ill turn will be done to the Queen, seeing the rudeness and strange treatment to which she is daily subjected, both in deeds and in words, especially as the concubine has said she will not cease until she has got rid of her, and since, according to certain prophecies, one queen of England is to be burned, she wishes it to be Katharine to avoid the lot falling upon herself; and many suspect, as people say at Court that great things will be seen very soon, that it is something aimed against the Queen. Very lately the Chancellor, speaking in anger to three or four of the principal foreign merchants, told them that if they were to be trusted, all the foreigners in this kingdom would be treated as they deserved, and that they would cut off (que lon racourciroit) very great ones, which the said merchants interpreted to mean the Queen. These things are monstrous and difficult to believe, yet the obstinacy of the King and the malice of this cursed woman ought to make one doubt everything.

On the third day of Pentecost Cromwell wrote from the Court to the French ambassador that the Landgrave had defeated 6,000 soldiers of the king of the Romans. That same day the said Ambassador sent to the king of France his maitre d'hotel in diligence, I know not whether to solicit the sending of money to the Landgrave or some other designs. Next day the Ambassador visited Cromwell at his lodging, as it is thought, to congratulate him on the said news and form new projects, especially as with the said Ambassador were the Wayvode's man and Gregory de Casal, whose brother is ambassador at Rome for the said Wayvode: and it is said the King means to send the said Gregory as his ambassador to Venice, and his other brother, who is now there, to reside with the said Wayvode.

Two days ago I received your letter of 29th ult. with the documents therein mentioned, which I shall use as commanded. I have not yet sent those addressed to the Queen, hoping to be the bearer myself, and to tell her what I think expedient about the other matters. And if I can find an opportunity, which will be very difficult, I shall not fail to send letters to the persons sent by your majesty to Scotland and Ireland. One of those whom the King has sent to Saxony boasts of having done very good service to the King his master, but I cannot discover particulars. He has brought the copy of a counterfeit letter from the king of the Romans to the Turk full of great threats, to suggest that this has been the cause of the Turk's invasion. They are expecting every day the persons who are to come here from France to settle the affair of the interviews, and if they be agreed to, to arrange the time, the place, and form. I kiss your feet and hands 100,000 times for the pension you have given me on the archbishopric of Toledo. London, 29 May 1534.

1537-CARDINAL POLE to CROMWELL.

Wrote a few days ago to him and sent the letters to the ambassadors at the French Court, who could not be persuaded to meddle with them. It seems a strange way of handling themselves in that room, to refuse a letter to any of the King's Council, which might contain what makes for the King's purposes to know. This might happen in letters from the King's mortal enemies, how much more in letters from him, who howsoever perversely taken, doth neither in deed nor word and much less in mind, show such a person. If this be a new fashion of handling princes' affairs, it is likely to provoke men to change their loving minds to the King, and he is ignorant how it can be profitable. They that use this way are ignorant what the conclusion shall be. After the demonstrations which are made to his undoing by the King's agents, knows no other mind in earth that could abide to speak afterwards of his honour and wealth. Could not do it unless his love toward the King were holpen above nature. Hitherto knows no other mind he owes the King than the law of nature or God would bind him to have either to his prince or father in like cause. Does not fear him, and never did, and much less in this cause if he had all the power of the whole world in his hand. Loves him, and would not doubt to show it in the cause for which the King takes him for his enemy, which is his legation.

The King may see this, if he reads the accompanying letters, which are the same which the ambassadors refused to send. However Cromwell answers, this deed will testify what mind Pole has borne to the King. If it is rejected shall be justified if the conclusion be not to the King's pleasure. Liege, 29 May 1537

1542 – Death of Sir Thomas Neville

1543 - Catherine Parr's Prayers was published

1543-Chapuys to Charles V.

Received by way of Flanders the Emperor's letters of 12 April, and afterwards, by his man, the duplicate of them and the power mentioned therein, in virtue of which the ratification and oath were, the day before yesterday, made with the same solemnities; as appears by documents which he will forthwith send to the Queen Regent, as commanded, together with the treaty signed by the Emperor with the great seal which his man brought. As to the specification of claims (pretenses) and other quarrels, besides those mentioned in the treaty, the King admitted those contained in the Emperor's said letters and also those added since by Grandvelle, as appears by the copy (herewith) of the instructions of the king of arms. The King agrees that the Emperor's king of arms should rather protest to continue the war than to make a new defiance. Touching the obtaining of the King's express declaration of Holstein and Cleres for common enemies the Council have advised Chapuys to defer urging it until the defiance is made to France and things are hotter, when the King would do it much more willingly. Besides they affirmed that it was unnecessary, being comprised in the generality. The King seems to intend first to send privately to the said Dukes to warn them to desist from troubling the Emperor. With regard to the common invasion the Emperor will have already learnt the King's inclination, by what Chapuys has written to Grandvelle, and at present he can add nothing therein to his letters (copy herewith) to the Queen Regent. The Emperor will likewise have learnt the release of the Cardinal of Scotland and events there. Thanks for acceptance of his services in achieving the treaty. London, 29 May 1543.

Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.

Since his last, of the 20th inst., has received hers of the 22nd, with the instructions, which are approved by the King and Council. The only alterations made appear by the copy herewith and seem immaterial, although the English have omitted in the said copy a certain clause which they put in the article "Si le roy de France voulloit furnir aux choses dessusdits en dedans dix jours," viz., the addition "ou donner pleges suffisantes pour ce faire." The King was pleased with her concurrence in his opinion that the kings of arms ought to refer to one another. Thinks that Thoyson d'Or will be already at Calais. If he were late it would much displease the King, who has sent thither in haste Garter, his first king of arms.

Where she desires to know what passed between the King and him touching the enterprise for this year against France; has not gone beyond what Grandvelle wrote, and never said what the Ambassadors reported to her, although he has said (as of himself, like all the rest) that he believed that the Emperor would take counsel and advice of the King touching the place of entry. All that he has said has been as of himself and on the supposition that the Emperor should have the opportunity, and she knows the occasion, viz., a little want of willingness to listen to the enterprise this year, as he wrote on the 18th, although these ministers always give out that they are ready. When shown that they had not provided victuals, they have answered that they had already put 1,000 qr. of wheat in barrel and 4,000 to make beer, and as for flesh they expected to get some from the enemies, and that, touching carriage, ships for passage and assistance of victuals, the ambassadors with her were specially charged to learn what aid the King could have; but when Chapuys came to speak of the horse they were perplexed and could not answer, especially when he said that they could not get those of Flanders as the Emperor would need them. In the end they said that that did not matter and they would always be able to get some. Believes that the principal thing with which he cooled them is the lateness of the Emperor's passage.

Because Chapuys was unwell on the day of the Holy Sacrament, the oath was put off till Sunday last, when all passed in the requisite fashion, as she will see by the documents (pieces), which he will send as soon as possible, some of which are still in the hands of the secretaries. After the oath Chapuys presented her letters and declared his credence; which the King took well, saying with a sigh that it was marvellous that nothing was yet heard of the Emperor's passage, and that the season was already so advanced that the proposed enterprise would be difficult, and that the other matter, of Montreul (of which Chapuys spoke), was more feasible and very important, and ought to be kept in view, and he for his part would not sleep. Afterwards he said that he was advertised that Vendosme was at Montreul with a good company of men of war, waiting for the rest; and that the king of France had sworn not to desist from war in Harthois till its entire conquest, an obstinacy which might prove his ruin, for it would be easy to defend that quarter if the Emperor's troops were not occupied elsewhere, with whom he may join as many of his as seems good. And here he prayed Chapuys to write again to suggest reinstating the truce with Cleves, as when Cleves, like Scotland was detached from France, the enemy would be stripped of every intelligence.

Has heard divers times from those of the Council that their affair with Scotland stands well. The four ambassadors are still here and well treated. The fifth, viz., George Douglaz, brother of the earl, is returned in haste to Scotland and will be here shortly with some good resolution. Duke Philip, under colour of offering himself and men of war to the King's service in case of necessity, came to resume the old question of the marriage with the Princess, giving out among other things that he had promise of the Lutheran League that in case of the death of the Elector Palatine he would be preferred to his uncle Duke Frederic and Otto Henry his elder brother. But all availed him little, and he has gone with a present worth 2,000 cr. Has failed to persuade the Council to take the imposts in good part, and they have finally prayed him earnestly to supplicate her to accept the present which their merchants wish to make her instead. By what he writes and what the ambassadors tell her she will recognise whether the despatches to them are communicated to him, and can act accordingly. London, 29 May 1543.

1546 – Murder of David Beaton.He was Archbishop of St Andrews and the last Scottish Cardinal prior to the Reformation.

1555 – Birth of George Carew 1st Earl of Totnes known as Sir George Carew between 1586 and 1605 and as The Lord Carew between 1605 and 1626, served under Queen Elizabeth I during the Tudor conquest of Ireland and was appointed President of Munster.

1559 - Edmund Grindal becomes Bishop of London

1593 - Hanging of religious controversialist John Penry at St Thomas-a-Watering in Surrey.

source:http://www.onthisdayintudorhistory.com/,http://www.thetudormonarch.com/,http://www.british-history.ac.uk/

28 May 1509 – Death of Edward Courtenay, 1st Earl of Devon. 

28 May 1521 - Pope Leo X signs treaty with Holy Roman Emperor Charles V

28 May 1533 –  The Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer, declares the marriage of King Henry VIII of England to Anne Boleyn valid.

28 May 1543-Seymour and Wotton to Henry VIII.

This day the Queen sent for them, to participate news from her ambassador in England; which was that Henry purposed to ratify the league on Corpus Christi Day and would that the defiance to the enemy should go forth with speed (and therefore she sends a herald to Calais to-morrow, to await the coming of Henry's and carry out the instructions already sent to Henry), and that, although the defiance be not yet executed, Henry would let the captain of Guisnes with 2,500 archers and 300 (sic) horsemen join Mons. de Reux in following his enterprise in Boulognois. De Reux has retired, after doing much hurt, but his men shall be soon ready if necessary; and she thanks Henry for his forwardness. The Ambassador also signified that the French ambassadors  in Scotland had maigre chere of the Governor, who had all the realm at his command save one castle or port which is to come in by a certain day. She said the French boasted that Henry was offering them friendship; which she thought was "but a French tale." She hears nothing of the Emperor's arrival in Italy.

The siege of Heynsborgh continues. De Corrieres, to-day, says that the Prince of Orange, with 24 ensigns of lantzknechts, besides horsemen, shall encamp over the Mase to levy it. The French king comes himself, with a great power, and they here would prevent his joining the Clevoys. Bruxelles, 28 May, 1543

28 May 1557 - Thomas Stafford was beheaded for treason. He was involved in two rebellions against Queen Mary

28 May 1561-Sir Thomas Stradling was imprisoned in the Tower on suspicion of popish practices.He was released on 15th October 1563 on a bond of 1,000 marks.

28 May 1582 - Executions of Roman Catholic priests Thomas Forde, John Shert and Robert Johnson at Tyburn.

28 May 1588-Spanish Armada Sets Sail for Assault of England

source:http://www.onthisdayintudorhistory.com/,http://www.mylifeatthetoweroflondon.com/

27 May 1444 - Death of John Beaufort, 1st Duke of Somerset, English military leader

27 May 1510-Henry VIII to Ferdinand,King of Aragon

Has not written lately, having no news; but takes this occasion, as the Spanish ambassador is returning to Spain, to write that he and his Queen are happy and his kingdom tranquil. Heard with pleasure what the newly appointed Spanish ambassador communicated, and commissioned some of his chief Councillors to negociate; which has already led to a satisfactory result. Greenwich, 27 May.

27 May 1510-Catherine of Aragon to Ferdinand,King of Aragon

Was delivered of a daughter, still-born, an event which in England is considered unlucky, and therefore she has not written sooner. She and her husband cheerful. Thanks God for such a husband. When in labour vowed a rich head-dress to St. Peter the Martyr, of the Franciscan Order; and sent it by a niece of the Treasurer Morales who wishes to become a nun of that Order. The girl's father has detained both Katharine's letter to the Prioress and the head-dress, as his daughter's property. Begs Ferdinand to reprimand the father. Considers favours done to her confessor as done to herself. Greenwich, 27 May.

27 May 1536- Cardinal Reginald Pole sent to Henry VIII a copy of De Unitate Ecclesiastica

After expressing the difficulty he has in writing either against the King or against his own conscience, seeing that others have been punished with death for their loyalty, he says he nevertheless feels it a duty, as he is the only one of the English nobility whom the King has educated from a boy. He then enters into a long argument in reply to Sampson's defence of the King's authority; and taunts Sampson with conduct like that of Judas in betraying the Church for some money promised him in past years by the King out of the bishopric of Norwich, expecting also that bishopric for himself. Speaks of the execution of Fisher and More, and of More's character as a judge, of his trial, and of his daughter embracing him on the way to execution,—how he was seen looking grey for the first time on coming out of prison, and how even strangers could not refrain from tears on hearing of his fate. Pole himself can hardly write for tears, having known the man as he did. Describes also Fisher's character, and refers to the Carthusian and Bridgetine martyrs, especially to one whom he knew personally, by name Reynolds (ei Reginaldi erat nomen), remarkable for his holiness of life and for his learning. He was the only monk in England who knew the three languages "quibus omnis liberalis doctrina continetur." Such was his constancy that, as an eyewitness informed Pole, he put his own neck into the noose, looking more like one putting on the insignia of royalty than one about to undergo punishment. Refers also to the Observants. Though it seems a hopeless task to recall Henry to virtue, yet as the prayers of Mary and Martha recalled a brother from corruption, so Katharine now prays for her husband, and Mary for her father; even Achab repented. Compares Henry's conduct to that of Nero and Domitian, and appeals to the Emperor to protect thousands of Christians from a far greater danger than the Turk. At the very time of Charles V.'s glorious expedition to Africa, Henry, bearing most untruly the name of Defender of the Faith, did not merely kill but tore to pieces all the true defenders of old religion in a more inhuman fashion than the Turk. Who that knew Fisher would have expected that a man so old and feeble in health and slender in body could have endured imprisonment even for one month? Pole, certainly, when he left England three years before, did not believe that, with the utmost care, he would have lived more than a year longer. Was told afterwards that when he was brought to London to be sent to prison he was so weak that for some time he lost consciousness. Yet he endured 15 months' imprisonment. "Who," the writer asks, "does not acknowledge the hand of God beyond nature that lengthened his life to your shame that he might perish by your sword, and allowed him to be enrolled among the number of cardinals, that it might be known to the whole world that you had slain not merely an excellent bishop, against whom you had no just cause, but a cardinal over whom you had no authority?" The writer then warns the King that the Pope is urgently entreated to expel him from the Church as a rotten member, nor can Henry expect his subjects to keep faith with him when he has broken it so shamefully with them. During the 27 years he has reigned he has continually plundered them, and if he was liberal in anything, it was certainly not in things making for the common weal. He has robbed every kind of man, made a sport of the nobility, never loved the people, troubled the clergy, and torn like a wild beast the men who were the greatest honor to his kingdom. What epitaph is to be placed on Henry's tomb except the recital of these facts, unless this is to be added, that he has obtained for himself from the universities the name of an incestuous person, and by the slaughter of his best men has got himself acknowledged 'Head of the Church.' Warns him by the fate of Richard III., that he may find few friends one day, and concludes with a strong exhortation to repentance.

27 May 1538-Princess Mary to Cromwell.

Thanks his Lordship for his gentle and friendly letter received on Sunday last, for his diligence, to further her in the King's favour, and for his wise and friendly counsel to eschew things whereby she might seem to give any other occasion than should be expedient' for her. Protests she would rather suffer bodily pain than lose any jot of the King s favour. As to the lodging of strangers that he writes of, fears it has been reported to the worst, but promises to refrain altogether from doing so in future. Begs him to continue to counsel her. Richemont, 27 May.

27 May 1541 -Execution of  Margaret Pole, 8th Countess of Salisbury, daughter of George Plantagenet, 1st Duke of Clarence, and his wife Lady Isabel Neville,niece of Edward IV,Richard III and Anne NevilleI.Her husband was Sir Richard Pole and she was the mother of Reginald Pole

27 May 1544-Henry VIII. to Hertford.

Thanks him for his accomplishment of the charge committed to him in Scotland, and requires him to give Henry's thanks to those whose courage and manliness he has (like a good captain) in his letters commended, viz.:—the earl of Shrewesbury, Viscount Lisle and all others who were with him in this journey. Westm., 27 May 

27 May 1564-Death of John Calvin, one of the dominant figures of the Protestant Reformation

source:http://www.british-history.ac.uk/