Today in Tudor history...
29 May 1500 – Death of Thomas Rotherham, Archbishop of York
1521-.CHARLES V. to HENRY VIII.
Have received by Sir Ric. Wingfield, your ambassador, your letters of the 5th, and am glad to hear of the good health and prosperity of yourself and my aunt. Was pleased with his charge, which showed the continuance of Henry's good wishes and affection. As to his request that Charles should not commence a war, is determined not to be the first to break the peace, as he has always written to the Bishop of Badajoz and Helna. I have not been the first to do so, as I have showed your ambassador; but I cannot endure the continued infractions of treaties, which increase daily. Has spoken more fully to Henry's ambassador, and also written to the Bishop of Helna, for whom he desires credence. Worms, 29 May 1521
1522 - Henry VIII declared war on France
CLARENCIEUX'S DECLARATION against FRANCIS I.
The King has been frequently required by the Emperor to declare himself enemy to Francis in accordance with the treaty of London, on account of the invasion of Navarre, and the attempts of Rob. de la Marche, but wished rather to bring the Emperor and him to concord, and for that reason sent the cardinal of York to Calais. Although Francis was proved to be the invader, by his letters to the count de Cariat (Carpi) and other things, the King wished the Cardinal to forbear the declaration, and to continue the diet, that some means might be found to pacify their variances; and after his return, he continued to apply to Francis' mother for the furtherance of peace, and it was promised that persons should be sent to bring matters to a conclusion. The affair, however, was always delayed; and meanwhile Albany has been sent to Scotland, in contempt of the King who is supreme lord [thereof], to the danger of the young King and the dishonor of his mother, whom Albany has endeavored to separate from her husband, "and damnably to contract matrimony with her." The payment of the King's money has been refused, and Ric. de la Pole, his rebellious subject, entertained, contrary to Francis' oath. Francis has also allowed his subjects to rob the King's lieges at sea, and refused redress; he retains strangers not being his subjects in wages; he has caused the garrison of Tournay to make excursions against Flanders, and has acted more like an enemy than a friend to England. The King has therefore instructed Clarencieux to intimate to Francis that he will take part with the Emperor against him.
The message of the herald of England to the king of France.
On the 29th May, the French king gave audience to the English herald at Lyons. He said that his master bade the French king beware of him, as he was his mortal enemy, on account of his infraction of the treaty of Ardre,
—(1.) by making war on the Emperor, and assisting Mons. de Sedan;
(2.) by employing foreigners;
(3.) by allowing Albany to go to Scotland;
(4.) by invading Navarre;
(5.) by discontinuing his pensions to the king of England, and causing the French to pillage his ships._The French king, without waiting to deliberate, replied as follows:
—(1.) That he never assisted the sieur de Sedan, but offered to assist the Emperor against him, if he wished it.
(2.) He was obliged to hire the Swiss, because the Emperor invaded Champagne, and took Moson under pretence of making war on Sedan; and before he engaged them, the king of England had an ambassador there, who gave them 50,000 angelots not to enter the service of France.
(3.) The duke of Albany left without his knowledge, and he has tried without success to make him return.
(4.) There was nothing about Navarre in the treaty of Ardre, but the king of England promised to put the said kingdom into his hands in three months, which he has not done. (5.) As to the pension, he has felt assured for two years that the King is his mortal enemy, and he will not pay him money to be used against himself. In proof of this assertion he offers to show articles, signed by Henry, and sent by him to the late Pope. Finally, he said he would give the lie to any man who said he had not kept the promise he made at Ardres; if this was Henry's only complaint, it was a bad one, and whenever he chose to come into the field he would be beforehand with him. "Imprimé à Lyon. Cum privilegio."
1527-TREATY between FRANCIS I. and HENRY VIII.
For the entertainment of an army of 30,000 foot and 1,000 lanceknights in Italy against the enemy. Sir Thomas More and Stephen Gardiner, archdeacon of Taunton, acting as commissioners for England, and Gabriel de Grammont bishop of Tarbe, and John Joachin, for France. Wolsey's visit to France is here arranged. Westminster, 29 May
1533 – Pageant on the River Thames for Queen Anne Boleyn’s coronation.
Rob. Tomlynson, Alderman of Our Lady's Guild in Boston, to Cromwell.
It pleased you to show me the King's letters for preparing a present for him against the Queen's coronation. The letters came not to my knowledge, which I regret. I have endeavoured since to provide such wild fowl as I could get in these parts, i.e. six cranes, six bitterns, and three dozen godwits, all of which I send you by Thos. Chapman. Please let Geoffrey Chamber know what you will have done with them. Boston, 29 May.
Chapuys to Charles V.
The duke of Norfolk, who was to have left on the 26th, the date of my last letters, has, by the King's command, remained two days longer ; and this, I think, partly to negotiate with me on matters I shall report hereafter. The day before yesterday he sent to me, early in the morning, an honest man to desire that I would immediately send my most confidential servant to communicate with him on some matters ; and considering that on every account my own going would be better than sending any of my servants, I repaired to him immediately, but in disguise and secretly, for the consideration which, as I wrote, prevented me from going to bid him adieu.
After thanking me for the trouble I had taken in coming to him, he said he was going to this meeting of two as great princes as there were in Christendom, where, if it had pleased God that your Majesty had been present, he was sure it would not have been your fault if a most perfect peace and amity were not concluded ; of which matter he said your Majesty held the keys, and everything depended upon it, and that since there was no hope of your being personally present, the greatest good that could come would be by your sending ministers well inclined to union. And, either for a joke, or as an acknowledgment of my trouble, or, as the phrase goes, to offer a candle to the enemy, he was pleased to say that he would like much that I were one of the said ministers ; wishing also, but with better cause, that the Nuncio here were with his Holiness. To this I replied that it never was owing to your Majesty, nor would be, that Christendom was not perfectly united, declaring the intolerable labors and expenses you had sustained for that end, and that your Majesty desired nothing more than to increase the amity with the King his master, as all the world could easily see. And as it appeared that the union of which he spoke depended on the matter of this cursed marriage, he must not say that your Majesty held the key, but if the King his master would allow it to be determined by an impartial tribunal like the Pope [that would be sufficient]. For this cause he ought to desire that his master should be present at the interview in order that they might urge him to act in this manner, which was all that your Majesty demanded, and which could not be refused to the least person in the world. As to the ministers of your Majesty with his Holiness and the most Christian King, after I had declared their sufficiency, he was satisfied ; praying me, nevertheless, that I would write to them by all means to show themselves tractable and do their duty at the said meeting. He added, that he wished your Majesty would send again plenty of ambassadors thither, of whom some should be men of authority, as his master was sending thither many persons, and not among the least persons of the kingdom, and it would be necessary that some one should be there who knew the importance of the common interests of your Majesty's countries and this kingdom. The end of his talk was, that no one was more fit than De Praet, whose appointment he begged me to solicit ; and on my saying I did not think you would send more ambassadors without being desired by the Pope, and that I was astonished he had been so long in giving me notice, he answered as to the first that he fully believed that your Majesty had been long ago apprised by the Pope, who would not have dared to treat of this without your consent ; and as to not having informed me sooner, it was because the French king had requested his master to keep it as secret as possible, and to disclose it to no one but him and one other. This was about three months ago ; since which time the French king had renewed his request several times, that an ambassador should be nominated to go to the said meeting, which charge he desired to perform even at the loss of one of his fingers. He told me afterwards that the King his master had taken in very good part the warnings I had given to Cromwell to avoid occasions of irritating your Majesty ; that he had been very much grieved that the arms of the Queen had been not only taken from her barge, but also rather shamefully mutilated ; and that he had rather roughly rebuked the Lady's chamberlain, not only for having taken away the said arms, but for having seized the barge, which belonged only to the Queen, especially as there are in the river many others quite as suitable. I praised the King's goodwill touching the arms, and for the rest I said there was no need of excuse, for what belonged to the Queen was the King's still more ; adding that I was now encouraged to hope that the King would see to the honorable treatment of the Queen and Princess ; for, as I said to Cromwell, the pretence of a scruple of conscience could not extend to their treatment ; and if they were ill-used, besides the displeasure of God, he would incur blame from all the world, and greatly irritate your Majesty. On this he spoke as highly of both of them as could be, and said he was very sure your Majesty loved the Princess naturally, but that he thought he loved her more. He mentioned, among other virtues of the Queen, the great modesty and patience she had shown, not only during these troubles, but also before them, the King being continually inclined to amours. And as to the said treatment, he was sure the King would not diminish her dower, of about 24,000 ducats, assigned to her in the time of prince Arthur, if she would content herself with the state a widow princess ought to keep. To this I said I thought the King so wise and humane that, in consideration of the virtue of the Queen, the long and good service she had done him, and also of her kindred, he would not diminish anything of what she had had till then, and I begged him to use his influence to that effect. He swore by his faith "quil avoit bachier (?) plus de 10,000 escuz" that I had spoken to him on this subject ; for unless I had opened this door to him, he would not have dared to moot the question for all the gold in the world, but after our communications he would urge the affair to the end, and do his very best, in accordance with my suggestions to Cromwell. He said the King had also taken very well my suggestion that he should write a letter to your Majesty in defence of what he has done in this matter. I protested to him, as I had done to Cromwell, that what I had said was not as ambassador, but as one devoted to the service of the King, and anxious for peace ; and as to the said letter, if it did not produce all the effect that the King desired, I hoped he would not reproach me for having solicited it, as it pleased him once to tell me touching the mission of the earl of Wiltshire. Norfolk said there was no fear of this, and begged that I would communicate (fere tenir) the said letter to his Majesty's ambassador, which would be in a packet which he would send me for the said ambassador. This I promised. Nevertheless, I have not yet received the packet.
On this, not wishing to wait dinner, though he desired me, I returned with the intention of sending to him later a servant of mine, which I did. By him and also by Brian Tuke he sent to me to say that he had determined to come to me tomorrow early at my lodging ; but as his departure was to be so abrupt, the King would not let him move a step further from him in order to discuss the affairs of his charge, and therefore he begged me very urgently that I would go there, and that he hoped that we should do or at least begin some good work. Next morning I went secretly to see him in his chamber, when he replied to me, as to writing for the despatch of the persons above mentioned, that if your Majesty desired the peace and union to be accomplished, there was no excuse from the shortness of time, for you could receive my letters in 15 days ; and as the meeting was not to begin till about the 5th July people could leave Barcelona in time for it, and be there quite as soon as he. He therefore begged me diligently to write, although I put before him the reasons already alleged, and also to see that the King's packet for his ambassador should go along with mine. As to the treatment of the Queen, he said that the King by their laws was no longer bound to the Queen with respect to the dower she had by prince Arthur ; and moreover that by virtue of the Act passed in this last Parliament, as the Queen would not obey it, the King might use rigour and diminish even the dower she has. Nevertheless, for the reasons which I had mentioned on the previous day and for others, the King would treat her honorably, not indeed so liberally as when she was Queen, unless she would submit to the sentence of divorce which the archbishop of Canterbury [had given] ; and he thought I had so much influence with her that I might induce her to do so, by which I should acquire inestimable glory, and be the cause of as great a benefit as could be done not only to this kingdom but to Christendom, which remained disunited simply on this account ; also that this way would be more effectual than any other, for if your Majesty would enter into war on this account, it would be the greatest calamity to Christendom. Moreover that it was impossible to fly into this kingdom (que lon ne peult vouler dans ce royaulme), and that, being there, they would find people to talk to, and very difficult to subdue or even to injure ; and as to making war upon them by the sea, they, having the aid of France, of which they were as much assured as of their own people, would fear no power whatever. Further he ventured to affirm that if you attempted to make war upon this kingdom you would not be without anxiety to guard your own countries from their friends and allies, who were neither few nor unimportant. For, besides the king of France, who was most constant to them, they had the king of Scotland entirely at their command ; who, since the one year's truce made with the King, was anxious for nothing but the conclusion of a peace ; and he dared affirm that the Scotch king would come here before 10 months, when a marriage would be concluded between him and the daughter of the king of France. Moreover, they had the friendship of a great part of Germany, and Italy was not so well affected to your Majesty as you might think. He doubted not that the Spaniards, for their courage, and the sake of their reputation, and for the glory of previous victories, would stimulate your Majesty to war ; but he trusted your Majesty was too prudent and regardful of ancient friendship and good offices done to you and your predecessors to lend an ear to such advisers, especially considering the arrogance of the Spaniards, who for want of payment have lately mutinied against you.
I answered as to this last, that I knew nothing of it, and, if true, it was not of much importance, for it had happened to many valiant commanders. As to the rest, although there were sufficiently apparent reasons by which to answer him, and also about the injustice done to the Queen, yet as I had come to hear something else, and in order to let him understand that I did not make very much of the terrors which he wished to raise up, I said as little as possible, merely remarking by way of joke that your Majesty was much bound to those who had greater consideration for your injuries than for their own, and that all the world knew your Majesty would not make war, even against those from whom you had received no favor, without being compelled by a very just quarrel ; and that in such a case, with the help of God, in whom you placed your trust, you could manage your own affairs ; and, moreover, there was no prince in the world who, in my opinion, had better means of obtaining friendships. With this reply I should have left him in a sweat without going further, but I begged him that we might not speak as if war would take place, but rather how to avoid occasion of it ; which would never be given on the part of your Majesty. As to what he said of the justice of the Queen, since argument was to no purpose, I made no reply to him ; but as to the first point, if he wished me to induce the Queen to submit to the sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury, I denied that I had any influence over her ; and, to speak frankly, if I had I would not use it to that effect for all the gold in the world, unless your Majesty should command me ; and though I was sure you would never consent to anything except what justice would ordain, yet, to gratify the King, I would write to you about all this, and if perhaps I received your commandment to enter upon such a course, which I did not expect, I would show the King the desire I had to do him service, and help in the preservation of amity. On this the Duke swore by the faith he owed to God that I spoke like an honest man, and that he could not press me further, but begged me to do in this and all else the best I could. Your Majesty will see to what they are reduced when they address themselves to me, when they know very well, as the King once told me, and as I have written to your Majesty, that I have always been and am most devoted to the right of the Queen ; so that it must be said either that they are in very great fear, or think me mad, or are themselves altogether blind. And in order to play the part of a corsair among corsairs (pour jouer avec eulx de courssaire a courssaires), I have a little dissembled with the Duke about the treatment of the said ladies, in accordance with your Majesty's commands, awaiting your determination for the remedy of this matter. I have written the said conversations of the Duke in plain writing, because he uttered them in order that I might inform your Majesty ; and if, perhaps, he spoke them of himself without command of the King or his Council, I might have given greater faith to what he said to me of their friendships and intelligences, because by nature he is no great dissembler or inventer. And not to speak of the rest, as to the Scots, whatever confidence they have here to have the said Scots at their command, I know for certain that since the date the truce is said to have been concluded, the said Scots have taken several ships at different times, the last being not ten days ago, when they took seven very rich vessels. The Duke, as to what I had said, that the presence of his master would be very desirable at the said meeting, answered that it would be of no use ; for if the Pope, the king of France, and all the world were to attempt it, they could not persuade the King to take back the Queen,—such was the scruple of his conscience, joined to the despair of having issue by her ; and that it was in vain for the Pope to give sentence, for they will make no account of it or of his censures. No doubt it would give them some trouble, but for that they cared not ; and if, perhaps, by reason of the said censures, Spain and Flanders would cease intercourse with the English, the others would share in the injury, and they would send part of their merchandize to Flanders and the rest to Calais, where your subjects to their great inconvenience would be compelled to get their wools, which were indispensable to them, as he said. To this I made no reply, but smiled. After this he began to excuse himself that he had not been a promoter of this marriage, but had always dissuaded it ; and had it not been for him and her father, who pretended to be mad to have better means of opposing this marriage, it would have been done secretly a year ago ; on which account the Lady was very indignant against both of them. In confirmation of this, I have learned from a very good authority, and from one who was present, that eight days since, the Lady having put in a piece to enlarge her gown, as ladies do when in the family way, her father told her she ought to take it away, and thank God to find herself in such condition ; and she, in presence of Norfolk, Suffolk, and the treasurer of the household, replied by way of announcement, that she was in better condition than he would have desired. On departure, the Duke made me many gracious offers of his person and goods, recommending the sending of the said packet, and great care in writing to send personages to the said meeting, and above all to make his recommendations to your Majesty, to whom, after the King his master, he desires most to do service. This he said several times in the presence of the whole Council. I have not been with them since.
The Duke left two hours after I had returned, so that neither he nor his company, among which is the brother of the Lady, have delayed one day to see the triumph in which the Lady has today come from Greenwich to the Tower. She was accompanied by several bishops and lords, and innumerable people, in the form that other queens have been accustomed to be received ; and, whatever regret the King may have shown at the taking of the Queen's barge, the Lady has made use of it in this triumph, and appropriated it to herself. God grant she may content herself with the said barge and the jewels and husband of the Queen, without attempting anything, as I have heretofore written, against the persons of the Queen and Princess. The said triumph consisted entirely in the multitude of those who took part in it, but all the people showed themselves as sorry as though it had been a funeral. I am told their indignation increases daily, and that they live in hope your Majesty will interfere. On Saturday the Lady will pass all through London and go to the King's lodging, and on Sunday to Westminster, where the ceremony of the coronation will take place. London, 29 May 1533
Henry VIII.'s Divorce and Second Marriage.
"Relacion de las cartas del Embaxador de Roma, 29 de Maio."
Account of the audience given to cardinal Tournon in the Consistory on May 22.
Among other things, he said to the Cardinals in general that the king of France would back up the English cause, and he told the Pope how he intended to do it. When he and his Holiness met, he would beg him not to proceed against the king of England ; and the Pope would reply that as he has done such a base and disrespectful act, he must declare and deprive him. Francis would send this reply to the king of England, and give him to understand that as he knew he was excommunicated, he could not keep his oath of friendship to him against the Church. He believed the king of England would then consent to appear before the Pope, if his Holiness fixed some place free from danger and suspicion, and would meanwhile separate from Anne, and restore the Queen to the palace, though not to his bed.
To this the Ambassador said he replied to his Holiness that this answer of the King was not what he hoped, and as uncertain as the former, and, he thought, rather to the Queen's injury. He maintained that the French only sought this interview for their own profit. The Pope replied that he had discussed this method with the Emperor, who was not dissatisfied with it. The Ambassador suspects that it has been arranged with the knowledge of the king of England.
Further remarks about the interview, for which the Pope will not start until the first rain (agua) of August.
1534-Chapuys to Charles V.
On Saturday, Whitsuneve, I was informed by the Queen that the Bishops and others sent to her by the King to make her swear to the statute passed against her and the Princess, among other rude and harsh words which they used, had expressly threatened her with the penalties contained in the said statute, telling her it involved death. Thus they hoped to stagger her; but she remained all the more firm, replying among other things that if there was any one who had come to do such execution let him come forward, and she wished for nothing more except that if she was to die, it should be in public and not in a chamber or other secret place. I was also informed that certain maids who had likewise refused the oath had been shut up in a chamber, and that her confessor, physician and apothecary were forbidden to leave the house, and four other servants were put in prison. To remedy this as far as I could, I went by the command of the Queen immediately to Richmond where the King was, whom I warned beforehand by one of my servants that I was coming. He was astonished at my sudden arrival without having sent to demand audience, and I think he was not well pleased. Nevertheless he ordered, late as the hour was, that the Duke should attend me to dinner. After which the Duke in presence of the Marquis, Treasurer, Comptroller, Rochford, the bishop of Ely and captain of the guard, began to say that the King had been astonished as aforesaid at my coming, which was contrary to custom, especially as your majesty had forbidden his ambassador to take part in your feasts and triumphs without being invited, or to enter the Court until either he was summoned or he had spoken to Granvelle. The King therefore wondered if I had written [to your Majesty] that I could not obtain an audience when I asked for it, the Duke adding that he also had occasion to complain of me for his part, that I had suspected him sometimes of getting an audience that I wished for deferred. I told him, as to the first, that I knew nothing of it, and that your majesty would not have made that order without reasonable cause, at which the King should not be displeased. As to the second, having repeated all that passed before I wrote my last letter to the King, I acknowledged that an audience never has been refused me when I asked for it precisely and not alternatively, as I did when it was delayed. With this he was perfectly satisfied, and so also was the King, as he informed me afterwards. After these complaints the Duke intimated to me that if the matters for which I had come were private and not of importance, the King did not wish to be troubled with them, as his Council would settle them, but if they were important, he would hear me. I answered that I thought them of very great importance, and I had no doubt he would take the trouble to hear me; nevertheless knowing their virtue and good disposition to preserve the amity, and that by their dexterity they could insinuate it more graciously to the King than myself, I would explain it to them. I then did so as courteously as I could, exhorting them for many reasons to obtain a remedy, on which they retired to a corner of the room to consult together before making report to the King. Shortly afterwards the King, who was in a hurry to go hunting, sent to ask for them, and when they had remained some time with him they returned with the answer that the King, as he had several times told me, had no superior, colleague or controller in this realm or elsewhere, who could interfere with his laws, which all his subjects and the inhabitants of his kingdom were bound to obey; and as to the recent measures above referred to, it was no use talking about them till some of his commissioners had returned, and when he had heard all, he would make answer to me both upon those matters and about the licence I had asked to visit the Queen, which she desires so much, as she has sent to me to say. The Duke and the others also told me that the King was quite satisfied with my answer to the complaints made to me by the said Duke, and that they also thought I should have occasion to be satisfied with the answer the King would give me when he had heard the report of his commissioners, but till then nothing could be settled or discussed; and for this reason, the King, thinking it unnecessary to give me audience, had gone to the chase.
In the end I spoke to them about a ship of St. Sebastian that was taken last year by some Englishmen, and showed them the letter you had written to me thereupon, setting forth the injustice of the case, which they promised should be remedied according to justice.
Although since Whitsunday some of the above-mentioned commissioners have returned to Court and I have solicited an answer, there has been no chance yet of getting it, and yesterday Cromwell sent to beg me to have patience till Monday next, when I should have one without fail. Everybody fears some ill turn will be done to the Queen, seeing the rudeness and strange treatment to which she is daily subjected, both in deeds and in words, especially as the concubine has said she will not cease until she has got rid of her, and since, according to certain prophecies, one queen of England is to be burned, she wishes it to be Katharine to avoid the lot falling upon herself; and many suspect, as people say at Court that great things will be seen very soon, that it is something aimed against the Queen. Very lately the Chancellor, speaking in anger to three or four of the principal foreign merchants, told them that if they were to be trusted, all the foreigners in this kingdom would be treated as they deserved, and that they would cut off (que lon racourciroit) very great ones, which the said merchants interpreted to mean the Queen. These things are monstrous and difficult to believe, yet the obstinacy of the King and the malice of this cursed woman ought to make one doubt everything.
On the third day of Pentecost Cromwell wrote from the Court to the French ambassador that the Landgrave had defeated 6,000 soldiers of the king of the Romans. That same day the said Ambassador sent to the king of France his maitre d'hotel in diligence, I know not whether to solicit the sending of money to the Landgrave or some other designs. Next day the Ambassador visited Cromwell at his lodging, as it is thought, to congratulate him on the said news and form new projects, especially as with the said Ambassador were the Wayvode's man and Gregory de Casal, whose brother is ambassador at Rome for the said Wayvode: and it is said the King means to send the said Gregory as his ambassador to Venice, and his other brother, who is now there, to reside with the said Wayvode.
Two days ago I received your letter of 29th ult. with the documents therein mentioned, which I shall use as commanded. I have not yet sent those addressed to the Queen, hoping to be the bearer myself, and to tell her what I think expedient about the other matters. And if I can find an opportunity, which will be very difficult, I shall not fail to send letters to the persons sent by your majesty to Scotland and Ireland. One of those whom the King has sent to Saxony boasts of having done very good service to the King his master, but I cannot discover particulars. He has brought the copy of a counterfeit letter from the king of the Romans to the Turk full of great threats, to suggest that this has been the cause of the Turk's invasion. They are expecting every day the persons who are to come here from France to settle the affair of the interviews, and if they be agreed to, to arrange the time, the place, and form. I kiss your feet and hands 100,000 times for the pension you have given me on the archbishopric of Toledo. London, 29 May 1534.
1537-CARDINAL POLE to CROMWELL.
Wrote a few days ago to him and sent the letters to the ambassadors at the French Court, who could not be persuaded to meddle with them. It seems a strange way of handling themselves in that room, to refuse a letter to any of the King's Council, which might contain what makes for the King's purposes to know. This might happen in letters from the King's mortal enemies, how much more in letters from him, who howsoever perversely taken, doth neither in deed nor word and much less in mind, show such a person. If this be a new fashion of handling princes' affairs, it is likely to provoke men to change their loving minds to the King, and he is ignorant how it can be profitable. They that use this way are ignorant what the conclusion shall be. After the demonstrations which are made to his undoing by the King's agents, knows no other mind in earth that could abide to speak afterwards of his honour and wealth. Could not do it unless his love toward the King were holpen above nature. Hitherto knows no other mind he owes the King than the law of nature or God would bind him to have either to his prince or father in like cause. Does not fear him, and never did, and much less in this cause if he had all the power of the whole world in his hand. Loves him, and would not doubt to show it in the cause for which the King takes him for his enemy, which is his legation.
The King may see this, if he reads the accompanying letters, which are the same which the ambassadors refused to send. However Cromwell answers, this deed will testify what mind Pole has borne to the King. If it is rejected shall be justified if the conclusion be not to the King's pleasure. Liege, 29 May 1537
1542 – Death of Sir Thomas Neville
1543 - Catherine Parr's Prayers was published
1543-Chapuys to Charles V.
Received by way of Flanders the Emperor's letters of 12 April, and afterwards, by his man, the duplicate of them and the power mentioned therein, in virtue of which the ratification and oath were, the day before yesterday, made with the same solemnities; as appears by documents which he will forthwith send to the Queen Regent, as commanded, together with the treaty signed by the Emperor with the great seal which his man brought. As to the specification of claims (pretenses) and other quarrels, besides those mentioned in the treaty, the King admitted those contained in the Emperor's said letters and also those added since by Grandvelle, as appears by the copy (herewith) of the instructions of the king of arms. The King agrees that the Emperor's king of arms should rather protest to continue the war than to make a new defiance. Touching the obtaining of the King's express declaration of Holstein and Cleres for common enemies the Council have advised Chapuys to defer urging it until the defiance is made to France and things are hotter, when the King would do it much more willingly. Besides they affirmed that it was unnecessary, being comprised in the generality. The King seems to intend first to send privately to the said Dukes to warn them to desist from troubling the Emperor. With regard to the common invasion the Emperor will have already learnt the King's inclination, by what Chapuys has written to Grandvelle, and at present he can add nothing therein to his letters (copy herewith) to the Queen Regent. The Emperor will likewise have learnt the release of the Cardinal of Scotland and events there. Thanks for acceptance of his services in achieving the treaty. London, 29 May 1543.
Chapuys to the Queen Of Hungary.
Since his last, of the 20th inst., has received hers of the 22nd, with the instructions, which are approved by the King and Council. The only alterations made appear by the copy herewith and seem immaterial, although the English have omitted in the said copy a certain clause which they put in the article "Si le roy de France voulloit furnir aux choses dessusdits en dedans dix jours," viz., the addition "ou donner pleges suffisantes pour ce faire." The King was pleased with her concurrence in his opinion that the kings of arms ought to refer to one another. Thinks that Thoyson d'Or will be already at Calais. If he were late it would much displease the King, who has sent thither in haste Garter, his first king of arms.
Where she desires to know what passed between the King and him touching the enterprise for this year against France; has not gone beyond what Grandvelle wrote, and never said what the Ambassadors reported to her, although he has said (as of himself, like all the rest) that he believed that the Emperor would take counsel and advice of the King touching the place of entry. All that he has said has been as of himself and on the supposition that the Emperor should have the opportunity, and she knows the occasion, viz., a little want of willingness to listen to the enterprise this year, as he wrote on the 18th, although these ministers always give out that they are ready. When shown that they had not provided victuals, they have answered that they had already put 1,000 qr. of wheat in barrel and 4,000 to make beer, and as for flesh they expected to get some from the enemies, and that, touching carriage, ships for passage and assistance of victuals, the ambassadors with her were specially charged to learn what aid the King could have; but when Chapuys came to speak of the horse they were perplexed and could not answer, especially when he said that they could not get those of Flanders as the Emperor would need them. In the end they said that that did not matter and they would always be able to get some. Believes that the principal thing with which he cooled them is the lateness of the Emperor's passage.
Because Chapuys was unwell on the day of the Holy Sacrament, the oath was put off till Sunday last, when all passed in the requisite fashion, as she will see by the documents (pieces), which he will send as soon as possible, some of which are still in the hands of the secretaries. After the oath Chapuys presented her letters and declared his credence; which the King took well, saying with a sigh that it was marvellous that nothing was yet heard of the Emperor's passage, and that the season was already so advanced that the proposed enterprise would be difficult, and that the other matter, of Montreul (of which Chapuys spoke), was more feasible and very important, and ought to be kept in view, and he for his part would not sleep. Afterwards he said that he was advertised that Vendosme was at Montreul with a good company of men of war, waiting for the rest; and that the king of France had sworn not to desist from war in Harthois till its entire conquest, an obstinacy which might prove his ruin, for it would be easy to defend that quarter if the Emperor's troops were not occupied elsewhere, with whom he may join as many of his as seems good. And here he prayed Chapuys to write again to suggest reinstating the truce with Cleves, as when Cleves, like Scotland was detached from France, the enemy would be stripped of every intelligence.
Has heard divers times from those of the Council that their affair with Scotland stands well. The four ambassadors are still here and well treated. The fifth, viz., George Douglaz, brother of the earl, is returned in haste to Scotland and will be here shortly with some good resolution. Duke Philip, under colour of offering himself and men of war to the King's service in case of necessity, came to resume the old question of the marriage with the Princess, giving out among other things that he had promise of the Lutheran League that in case of the death of the Elector Palatine he would be preferred to his uncle Duke Frederic and Otto Henry his elder brother. But all availed him little, and he has gone with a present worth 2,000 cr. Has failed to persuade the Council to take the imposts in good part, and they have finally prayed him earnestly to supplicate her to accept the present which their merchants wish to make her instead. By what he writes and what the ambassadors tell her she will recognise whether the despatches to them are communicated to him, and can act accordingly. London, 29 May 1543.
1546 – Murder of David Beaton.He was Archbishop of St Andrews and the last Scottish Cardinal prior to the Reformation.
1555 – Birth of George Carew 1st Earl of Totnes known as Sir George Carew between 1586 and 1605 and as The Lord Carew between 1605 and 1626, served under Queen Elizabeth I during the Tudor conquest of Ireland and was appointed President of Munster.
1559 - Edmund Grindal becomes Bishop of London
1593 - Hanging of religious controversialist John Penry at St Thomas-a-Watering in Surrey.