08 June 1476 - Death of George Neville,  archbishop of York and Chancellor of England, was the youngest son of Richard Neville, 5th Earl of Salisbury, and Alice Neville, 5th Countess of Salisbury. He was the brother of Richard Neville, 16th Earl of Warwick, known as the "Kingmaker."

 

1492 - Death of Elizabeth Woodville, she was Queen consort of England as the spouse of King Edward IV from 1464 until his death in 1483. At the time of her birth, her family was mid-ranked in the English aristocracy. Her first marriage was to a minor supporter of the House of Lancaster, Sir John Grey of Groby; he died at the Second Battle of St Albans, leaving Elizabeth a widowed mother of two sons. Her second marriage, to Edward IV, was a cause célèbre of the day, thanks to Elizabeth's great beauty and lack of great estates. Edward was only the second King of England since the Norman Conquest to have married one of his subjects, and Elizabeth was the first such consort to be crowned Queen. Her marriage greatly enriched her siblings and children, but their advancement incurred the hostility of Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, 'The Kingmaker', and his various alliances with the most senior figures in the increasingly-divided royal family.

 

This hostility turned into open discord between King Edward and Warwick, leading to a battle of wills that finally resulted in Warwick switching allegiance to the Lancastrian cause. Elizabeth remained politically influential even after her son, briefly proclaimed King Edward V of England, was deposed by her brother-in-law, Richard III, and she would play an important role in securing Henry VII's accession to the throne in 1485, which ended the Wars of the Roses. However, after 1485 she was forced to yield pre-eminence to Henry's mother, Lady Margaret Beaufort, and her influence on events in these years, and her eventual departure from court into retirement, remains obscure.

 

Woodville's children included the Princes in the Tower and Elizabeth of York; by the latter she was maternal grandmother of Henry VIII and great-grandmother of King Edward VI, Queen Mary I of England and Queen Elizabeth I and the great-great-grandmother of Mary, Queen of Scots. Through her daughter, Elizabeth of York, she is the ancestor of every English monarch since Henry VIII and every Scottish monarch since James V of Scotland.

1533-Coronation Of Anne Boleyn.

"The receiving, conveying, and coronation of the Queen."

In consequence of letters from the King to the mayor and commonalty of London, desiring them to make preparations for escorting queen Anne from Greenwich to the Tower, and to make pageants in the city on [Whit] Sunday next, the day of the coronation, the common council ordered the Haberdashers, to which craft Sir Steven Pecock, the mayor, belonged, to prepare barges decked with targets and banners.

On May 29 the mayor and his brethren assembled at St. Mary Hill at one o'clock, and embarked on board their barges, of which there were 50, with "shalmes, shagbushes," and other instruments on board. Before the mayor's barge was a "foiste for a wafter," full of ordnance. In the foiste was a great red dragon casting wild fire, and round about terrible monsters and wild men. Another foiste contained the Queen's device, a mount, with a white falcon crowned standing thereon, upon a "rowte" of gold, environed with red and white roses. Round the mount sat virgins singing and playing. On their arrival at Greenwich, the Queen entered her barge at three o'clock, and the whole company rowed up to the Tower. About her barge were the duke of Suffolk, the marquis of Dorset, the earls of Wiltshire, Derby, Arundel, Rutland, Worcester, Huntingdon, Sussex, Oxford, and others, and many bishops and noblemen, in their barges. On the way the ships lying on the shore shot divers peals of guns, and before she landed there was a marvellous shot out of the Tower. At her landing she was met by the Lord Chamberlain and officers of arms, and brought to the King at the postern by the water side. He kissed her, and she turned back and thanked the mayor and citizens, and then entered the Tower. None of the citizens landed but the mayor, recorder, and two aldermen. The rest "hoved before the Tower, making great melody." Friday, 29th, the following gentlemen, who were appointed to be knights of the Bath, served the King at dinner, and were bathed and shriven according to custom ; the next day they were dubbed :—The marquis of Dorset, the earl of Derby, lords Clifford, Fitzwater, Hastings, Mountaigle, and Vaux, Sir Henry Parker, Sir Wm. Windesour, Sir John Mordaunt, Sir Francis Weston, Sir Thos. Arundell, Sir John Hudelston, Sir Thos. Poyninges, Sir Hen. Savell, Sir George Fitzwilliam, of Lincolnshire, Sir John Tyndall, Sir Thos. Jermey, [and one other, heir to lord Windsor. "President saith these six more, viz., Mr. Corbett, Mr. Wyndam, Mr. Barkeley, Mr. Verney, of Peuleye, John Germyne, and Robert Whytneye, of Gloucestershire ; but I think not." ]

Saturday, 31st. The receiving and conveying of the Queen through London.

The streets from the Tower to Temple Bar were gravelled to prevent the horses slipping, and railed on one side. The crafts stood along one side of the streets from Graces Church to the little conduit in Chepe, and on the other side the constables in velvet and silk, with great staves in their hands. The streets were hanged with tapestry, cloth of gold, and other hangings, and the windows were filled with ladies and gentlewomen. The order of the Queen's train was as follows : 12 Frenchmen belonging to the French ambassador ; then gentlemen, esquires and knights, two and two ; judges, knights of the Bath, abbots, barons, bishops, earls, marquises, the Lord Chancellor, the archbishop of York, Venetian ambassador, archbishop of Canterbury, French ambassador, two esquires of honor with robes and caps of estate representing the dukes of Normandy and Aquitaine ; the mayor of London ; Garter ; Lord Wm. Howard, deputy to his brother the duke of Norfolk, with the Marshal's rod ; Chas. duke of Suffolk, for that day high constable of England, bearing the verge of silver ; and the Queen's chancellor. On both sides of the lords rode serjeants and officers of arms. The Queen was in an open litter of white cloth of gold, drawn by two palfreys in white damask. She wore a surcoat and mantle of white cloth of tissue, the latter furred with ermines. Her hair was hanging down, but on her head was a coif with a circlet of rich stones. A canopy was borne over her by four knights. After the Queen came lord Borough, her chamberlain ; Sir Wm. Coffyn, master of her horses, leading a spare horse, with a side saddle ; seven ladies in crimson velvet and cloth of gold ; a chariot containing the old duchess of Norfolk, and the old "Marquesse Dorset" ; other ladies and gentlewomen in chariots and on horseback, and lastly the Guard, in coats of goldsmith's work. Along the road there were many pageants, which are fully described, representing mythological and allegorical subjects. The Cross in Cheapside, and the conduits there and in Fleet Street, and Ludgate and Temple Bar, were newly repaired and painted. At the Cross, Master Baker, the recorder, made a speech, and presented her with 1,000 marks in the name of the city. The children of St. Paul's school were placed on a scaffold erected at the east end of St. Paul's, and repeated poetry in honor of the King and Queen. The litter was carried into Westminster Hall, when she alighted and took her place at the high dais under the cloth of estate. A service of spice and "suttilties," with ypocras and other wines, was offered to her, which she sent to her ladies. After thanking those who had attended on her she withdrew to her chamber in the White Hall, and afterwards went secretly in her barge to the King at his manor of Westminster.

Whitsunday, June 1. The mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and councillors left the city for Westminster at 7 a.m. Between eight and nine the Queen came into the Hall, and stood under the cloth of estate ; and then the King's chapel and the monks of Westminster came in with rich copes, with many bishops and abbots. The Queen then went to the high altar of Westminster, accompanied by the aldermen, barons, dukes and earls, bishops, &c. The marquis of Dorset bore the sceptre ; the earl of Arundel, the rod of ivory and the dove ; and the earl of Oxford, high chamberlain, the crown. The duke of Suffolk, being high steward of England for that day, bare a long white rod, and lord Wm. Howard the rod of the marshalship. The Queen wore a surcoat and robe of purple velvet, furred with ermine, wearing her hair with a coif and circlet as on the Saturday. Four of the Cinque Ports bore the canopy over her. The bishops of London and Winchester bare up the laps of her robe, and her train was borne by the old duchess of Norfolk, many other ladies following. She rested awhile in a rich chair between the choir and high altar, and then proceeded to the altar, where the archbishop of Canterbury crowned her with the crown of St. Edward, which being heavy, was taken off again, and the crown made for her put on. After mass was performed, she received the Sacrament, and offered at St. Edward's shrine. The company returned to Westminster Hall in the same order, the Queen being supported by the earl of Wiltshire and lord Talbot, deputy for the earl of Shrewsbury.

The order and sitting at dinner :—

The duke of Suffolk was high steward. Lord Wm. earl marshal, as deputy for his brother. The earl of Oxford, high chamberlain. The earl of Essex, carver. The earl of Sussex, sewer. The earl of Arundel, chief butler. The earl of Derby, cupbearer. Lord Lisle, panter. Lord of Burgayne, chief larder. Lord Bray, almoner. The mayor of Oxford kept the buttery bar. Thos. Wiat was chief sewer for his father, Sir Henry. The countess of Oxford, widow, and the Countess of Worcester, stood beside the Queen's chair, "which divers times in the dinner time did hold a fine cloth before the Queen's face when she list to spit or do otherwise at her pleasure." The archbishop of Canterbury sat on the Queen's right, and at her feet, under the table, two gentlewomen. The first course was brought in by the duke of Suffolk and Lord Wm. Howard, on horseback, the serjeants-of-arms, the sewer, and knights of the Bath. Account of the persons sitting at the different tables, and the number of dishes. The King and divers ambassadors looked on from a little closet out of the cloister of St. Stephen's. After dinner, wafers and ypocras were served ; and when the Queen had washed, the company meanwhile standing, the table was taken up, and the earl of Rutland brought up the surnape, which was drawn by Master Rede, marshal of the Hall. The earl of Sussex then brought a void of spice and confections, and the mayor of London a standing cup of gold, which she gave him after drinking therefrom. When she departed to her chamber, she gave the canopy to the barons of the Cinque Ports ; and then the mayor, and noblemen and gentlemen, departed, for it was six o'clock.

On Monday there were jousts at the tilt before the King's Gate. The mayor and his brethren had a goodly standing ; but there were few spears broken, as the horses would not couple.

On Wednesday the King sent for the mayor and his brethren to Westminster, and thanked them.

On the next leaf is a plan of the arrangement of the tables, with drawings of the Queen and archbishop of Canterbury at table, and the King looking on from the closet.

 

 

1533 - Papal authority in England was denied by Parliament.

 

1536-Charles V. to Chapuys.

We received, on the 5th, your letters of the 19th ult., and take it as very good service that you have so fully informed us of the contents besides what you have written to Granvelle; desiring you to continue to keep us informed of what you negociate on the matters of which we wrote to you by the secretary of the English ambassador here, and since by your man George, for until we have more certain knowledge we cannot tell what to say. We trust to your discretion to advise and assist the Princess our cousin as you have done hitherto. We send copies of the answer made by the French king to the Pope in reply to what we lately said to his Holiness at Rome, and also of the reply made by us to the said answer, which you may use with the King and Cromwell as you think best. Asti, 8 June 1536.

 

1536 - Parliament passed the second Act of Succession removing Henry VIII’s daughters, Mary and Elizabeth, from the line of succession.

1536-Ten Articles of Religion by Thomas Cranmer is Published

This document begins the process of defining the doctrinal distinctions between Roman Catholicism and the newly established Anglican Church.

1536-Princess Mary to Henry VIII.

Begs his daily blessing. Though she understands, to her inestimable comfort, that he has forgiven all her offences and withdrawn his displeasure long time conceived against her, her joy will not be full till she is allowed to come to his presence. Begs pardon for her continual suit and rude writing, for nature will suffer her to do no otherwise. Hopes God will preserve him and the Queen, and send them a prince. Hownsdon, 8 June.

1536 - Henry Fitzroy, Duke of Richmond, made his last public appearance (at Parliament) before his death.

1551 - Pope Julius III excommunicates Duke Ottario Farnese of Parma

 

source:http://www.onthisdayintudorhistory.com/,http://www.british-history.ac.uk/

07 June 1394-Death of Anne of Bohemia, wife of Richard II of England

1515- Spinelly to Henry VIII

 

Wrote last on the 2nd. Sends letters from Wingfield. The Pope, the Emperor and the King of Arragon do [not] pull together; in the business of Genoa the Pope favors the French. "The Emperor's going towards Italy is a great likelihood of such alteration." Does not know the cause. The letters of Dr. Tunstal and the other Commissioners will inform him of their proceedings about the intercourse. The Provost of Cassel showed him last night a letter of the Audiencer, dated Dordryk, 2 June, by which it appears that Dissilstyne and his fleet did not dare cross to Friesland because the navy of the Duke of Gueldres and the Earl of Offerend was twice as strong as theirs, and that the places there which they had received from the Duke of Savoy were in danger from want of victuals. The Pope, influenced by the Cardinal St. Severin and the French ambassadors, has refused the dispensation demanded by Nassaw for his marriage. Wherefore it is conjectured that the Prince's affairs with France have but a small ground, as appears by the Duke of Gueldres' demeanor. The Provost supposes that the French do not set much by that treaty, seeing the contradiction of the Emperor and King of Arragon, and the young age of the prince and daughter of France, thinking they have profited by the presence of his ambassadors and by putting diffidence between the Emperor, Arragon [and the] Swiss. Finally, he said, the Frenchmen would do no good to this house, and that the daughter of Orange will not be allowed to leave France, and that Nassaw will marry Lord Fynes' daughter. All things considered, Henry's affairs are in better train than appearance has hitherto showed. Bruges, 7 June 1515.

 

1520 - First day of the Field of Cloth of Gold./Le camp du drap d'or

The Field of the Cloth of Gold or Camp du Drap d'Or is the name given to a place in Balinghem, between Guînes and Ardres, in France, near Calais, that was the site of a meeting that took place from 7 June to 24 June 1520, between King Henry VIII of England and King Francis I of France.

The meeting was arranged to increase the bond of friendship between the two kings following the Anglo-French treaty of 1514. The form "Field of Cloth of Gold" has been in general use in the English language since at least the 18th century. These two monarchs would meet again in 1532 to arrange Francis' assistance in pressuring Pope Clement VII to pronounce Henry's first marriage as illegitimate.

 

Under the guidance of English Cardinal Thomas Wolsey, the chief nations of Europe sought to outlaw war forever among Christian nations. Mattingly (1938) studied the causes of wars in that era, finding that such nonaggression treaties could never be stronger than the armies of their sponsors. When those forces were about equal, these treaties typically widened the conflict. That is, diplomacy could sometimes postpone war, but could not prevent wars based on irreconcilable interests and ambitions. What was lacking, Mattingly concludes, was a neutral power whose judgements were generally accepted by either impartial justice or by overwhelming force.

 

The site is indicated by a commemorative plaque on the Route de Marquise. The site, though now in France, was at the time regarded as part of England. This was probably the main reason for it as the choice of meeting place, being English territory but surrounded by France rendering it as close to neutral territory as was practicable.

 

Location of the Field of cloth of Gold:https://www.google.com/maps/place/50%C2%B051'08.3%22N+1%C2%B055'22.4%22E/@50.8523,1.9229,15z/data=!4m2!3m1!1s0x0:0x0

 

Letter dated Ardres, 7th June 1520, describing the interview between his most Christian Majesty and the King of England.

On the morning of the 7th June Cardinal Wolsey went to King Francis and dined with him, after which he departed, accompanied a good way by the Admiral, the Master of the Horse, and the Marshal de Chatillon. At about 5 p.m. two pieces of artillery were discharged as a signal, notifying to the King of England that King Francis was then taking to horse, and thus did he; King Henry on the other hand firing a third gun.

King Francis rode a very beautiful bay horse, caparisoned with embroidery and pearls. He himself wore a doublet of very costly cloth of gold and a cloak of the same material, and his jerkin, embroidered and slashed, was of great value. On his breast he wore sundry rich and beautiful jewels, and likewise on his cap, which was of black velvet. He was preceded by the military trumpeters, the fifers, and horn players, who performed one after the other. After the musicians came a great number of gentlemen of the Chamber and Wardrobe, all richly clad in cloths of gold and silver slashed in a variety of fashions, many of them having gold chains round their necks. The Switzers followed in battle array, with their drum major, and then came the King's macers, also in slashed garments of cloth of gold and silk, with massive gold chains of various sorts. The King followed, and was immediately in advance of the ambassadors and the princes of the blood royal and the barons, all in doublets of gold “soprarico,” many of which were slashed, exhibiting other gold beneath, and many wore cloaks like the King. Amongst the rest was the Admiral, who, besides gold and silver “soprarizi,” had a sailor's gold whistle at his side, adorned with pearls and jewels of great price, his cap being decorated in like manner. Last of all came the archer guard on horseback. Outside Ardres a file of many gentlemen in pairs, who preceded all the others, were drawn up and ranged on the left-hand side. At no great distance from the town were the Queen and Madame [Louise] in a litter, they having come to see the pomp of France, and when the King drew nigh he quitted the ranks, conversing awhile with his mother, cap in hand, and then returned to his place. The procession rode thus for a league and half, and at length reached a hill overlooking a valley in whose hollow was a very costly and beautiful tent, and beyond was another similar eminence, on which were seen assembled all the attendants of the King of England, who came in the following order:—First, some 60 mounted bowmen with their bows and arrows, the King's guard, followed by well-nigh as many more, the guard of Cardinal Wolsey, whose gentlemen followed, all dressed in crimson velvet, with gold chains round their necks; next the trumpeters; then a good number of gentlemen well arrayed in brocade of gold, silver, and silk, all with chains; and then the sackbuts followed in advance of the barons and lords of the kingdom, who were dressed in gold “soprarizo” with massive chains, and in the midst of them were the ambassadors. Then came the King with his running footmen, in number six, dressed in crimson velvet and gold, the footmen of King Francis being clad in white velvet and silver.

King Henry wore cloth of very rich silver, “soprarizo” and a cap with black feathers, the feathers in the cap of King Francis being also black. King Henry rode a bay horse of the breed of the Duke of Termini, with trappings like those of King Francis, and perhaps more rich in jewels; his Majesty himself wearing a jewelled collar in lieu of a chain, of great value, and a jewelled belt besides no less costly.

To the left of the King was Cardinal Wolsey, preceded by two crosses, his Lordship being dressed in crimson satin.

Then followed eight coursers, the handsomest ever seen in the world, all trapped in various fashions, rich and superb, and ridden by pages clad in brocade and crimson velvet.

The cavalcade, having proceeded thus for some while, arrived at a level, where from 300 to 400 infantry were drawn up, and placed the King in their centre, they being dressed in velvet and cloth, and having no other weapon than the sword, with the exception of some hundred in front, who carried halberts.

In this array the English company reached the hill, and ranged themselves along its summit, the French doing the like in the opposite direction. Many of the attendants were sent back, most especially on the French side, because so great an amount of persons caused suspicion to King Henry, on which account certain gentlemen carried messages to and fro, as the French in like manner took umbrage at so great an amount of infantry. But everything was at length arranged; and when the Kings arrived at their respective hills, the trumpets sounded from both one and the other, and their Majesties immediately commenced descending. King Francis was accompanied by the Admiral and the Constable, the latter carrying the naked sword in his hand; another official doing the like by King Henry, who was also accompanied by Cardinal Wolsey. When the two sovereigns were within a stone's throw of each other, they spurred their horses, and cap in hand embraced mutually, but the hot temper of the horses keeping them apart, they returned to the embrace, and simultaneously, without waiting for the running footmen (two of whom accompanied each sovereign) to hold their stirrups, dismounted with the greatest possible agility, and again gracefully embraced and kissed each other, cap in hand, evincing great affection.

The attendants in like manner dismounted, and the two Kings, arm in arm, proceeded to the door of the tent, into which King Francis wished King Henry to enter first, but he refused, and during the contest both Kings remained cap in hand, and at length King-Francis took precedence, without, however, once quitting the arm of King Henry. Having thus entered the tent, they remained there about two hours, and then ordered the collation, after which Cardinal Wolsey called some of the chief personages of his retinue that they might pay their respects to King Francis, who had already quitted the tent together with King Henry, and he embraced them all. Then the Admiral called some of the chief French personages, who were very graciously embraced by King Henry, the French and English lords doing the like by each other, with profound obeisances down to the ground; whereupon another collation was served, and they drank together, both parties presenting another batch of noblemen, who all went on foot like the first, and were embraced by both their Majesties. All the gentlemen, especially the French, were served with as much beverage as they pleased.

A great number of horsemen then descended into the valley from both sides, and went to see the two Kings. The writer went down [from the French side], and remarked the extreme courtesy which prevailed. The two Kings at length mounted on horseback, embracing each other again and again, cap in hand, and took leave, King Francis embracing the English noblemen, and King Henry the Frenchmen. And thus they quitted each other, the English returning a distance of one mile to Guisnes, and King Francis to Ardres, where he arrived after nightfall. On the return his horse kicked the Admiral on the leg and the English ambassador also, but they were not seriously injured.

The magnificence of the two Kings and of their noblemen was great and incredible, but the French excelled the English, both in apparel and horses, although the English had many gold chains, which were not usual in France.

It is said a banquet will be given on Sunday the 10th; then on Monday the jousts will commence, after which other tournaments were to be held.

The noblemen of France had pitched tents near Ardres; two, under which King Francis would lodge, were of cloth of gold.

Ardres, 7th June 1520

 Letter from the Court of France to the Magnifico Pietro Montemerlo, Royal Senator.

On Tuesday the 5th of June, the King of England came from Calais to Guisnes with the Queen and the whole court, accompanied by about 50 gentlemen. He rode a bay courser, and wore a garment of brocade ribbed with crimson satin, and on his head a hat trimmed with black feathers. He is a very handsome King, both in face and figure, and has a red beard, and his countenance resembles that of Giovanni Cristoforo Troto.

The Queen rode near him, on a palfrey, with the ladies; then came her litter of cloth of gold, followed by many other ladies; then a waggon (careta) covered with cloth of gold, drawn by six coursers; then ladies; and then three other similar waggons, of three colours, all covered with cloth of gold. The ladies were 20 in all, including Queen Mary, widow of King Lewis of France.

After the ladies came all the body-guard, namely, 200 archers; one half bowmen, and the other halberdiers, with doublets of green velvet and white satin; the breasts of the doublets being covered, like ours, with the King's arms, a rose surmounted by the crown.

On the Wednesday, at about the 20th hour, the English King mounted on horseback with some 50 archers and 100 gentlemen, and went to the lists appointed for the jousts. He had with him six coursers, trapped with crimson velvet, all covered with roses of beaten gold, and little bells; a fine sight. On arriving at the lists he made trial of the horses one after another, and he afterwards ran them one against the other, laughing the whole time, being in truth very merry, and he remained in the lists for upwards of two hours. Whilst there he was visited by Mons. de Chateaubriand, the brother “our” Mons. de Lautrec, and by other great personages, to whom he gave the best possible greeting.

Today, when the first conference was held, I went to Guisnes to see the procession of the King of England, which was as follows:—

First there were 2,000 in doublets, forming one batallion, handsome men, and in good array, with swords and bucklers, forming the vanguard; then the King's archers, 200 in number, with halberts. Next came some 400 gentlemen, all dressed in velvet, either black or crimson, and all wearing massive chains round their necks. They were followed by the lords (signori) of England, of whom not more than six or eight wore gold brocade; and including that material and “bigaroto,” those thus clad did not exceed 20 in number. Next came 12 mace bearers, then 12 trumpeters in green and white damask, then 12 heralds, all with the arms of England. The Constable of England followed with the drawn sword, preceding the King, who rode a light bay courser, and was dressed in a very beautiful doublet of cloth of silver, with a hood of cloth of gold at the back of his head, on which he wore a cap of black velvet, with a black feather which encircled the brim of the cap. He had 12 stirrup-men, dressed in brocade and crimson velvet. Beside him was the Cardinal, after whom came two pages in doublets, half of cloth of gold and half of crimson, riding seven coursers, the handsomest ever seen, all trapped alike with gold and silver, the King's own horse being trapped in like manner. In this order they marched a foot's pace.

Having seen this procession I went to witness that of our King, which was in this fashion. There were no footmen, but about 400 horses, all gentlemen in good trim, the doublets of cloth of gold being in the proportion of 20 to 1 of any other material. Then came the Switzers with their feathers in their caps, reaching to the clouds; then the 12 trumpeters or “miquelets” with 12 heralds, and the trombones, who played the whole time. They were followed by the Duke of Lorraine, Alençon, Yendome, La Trimouille, the Admiral, Mons. de S. Pol, the Marshals, and several other lords, all covered with stiff gold brocade. Then Mons. de Lautrec and his two brothers, Mons. de L'Esparre and L'Escu, and Chateaubriand, with doublets of stiff cloth of gold, and over the doublets a simar of brocatel, all four in one fashion. Then the Constable in a doublet of stiff brocade, bearing the drawn sword in advance of the King, the Constable being preceded by the Master of the Horse, the latter and his horse being both covered with much embroidery.

Next came the most Christian King, on a courser whose trapper was completely covered with gold. He wore a doublet of stiff brocade, with a simar like that of Mons. de Lautrec, but of black brocade, all covered with precious stones. By his side were 12 stirrup-men, clad in brocatel with his device; and then followed a great crowd of gentlemen, and the archers and the captains, all glittering with gold. In this array the two Kings arrived at the site appointed for the conference. The place is a valley within the English Pale, called anciently “the Vale of Gold” (vol de oro), in the centre of which was a tent of cloth of gold on crimson, belonging to the King of England. But first they were to meet at the distance of a stone's throw from the tent, at a spear fixed in the ground.

At each extremity of the valley is a hill, the two hills being of equal height; the one French, the other English.

The two Kings descended from their respective hills simultaneously into the valley. They were accompanied solely by the two Constables with the drawn swords, and each had two stirrup-men. When at the distance of about 12 paces from each other, the King of England doffed his bonnet, and urged his horse forward, and the most Christian King did the like. Having embraced and said a few words, they then dismounted, and after again embracing and remaining thus a short while in each others arms, they then moved towards the tent, our King being always on the right hand. They entered the tent talking and laughing, followed by the English Cardinal and the Admiral. After remaining there for an hour, the Constable of England introduced our Constable; shortly after which the Kings came forth. Then the princes of both nations paid their respects to the Kings, the “Viscontino”[Anchises Visconti?] making his appearance dressed in the Albanian fashion, which pleased much. The Kings remained until after sunset, then again embraced and mounted on horseback, and repeated their embraces, being apparently unable to quit each other.

Dated 7th June

 

 Interview between King Francis I. and King Henry VIII.

On the 7th of the month of June 1520, the festival of the Corpus Domini, the two Kings of England and France held their first conference in a field situate between the Castle of Ardres, belonging to the King of France, and that of Guisnes, belonging to the King of England. The King of France made his appearance richly clad. . . . . . . He rode a beautiful tall Spanish horse, all black, richly trapped. . . . . .

The King quitted Ardres with his retinue about the 21st hour. On his road, near the gate outside the town, the Queen and Madame [Louise], with a great number of ladies and princesses, were placed to see him pass; and when in front of Madame, he went out of the line, cap in hand, and spoke to her, uncovered; and then, having received her blessing, he proceeded to the site of the conference, being constantly met by English lords and gentlemen sent to do him honour by the King of England; to whom in like manner French noblemen went on behalf of their sovereign. The bands of the captains of the archers of the King of France, with Monsr. de la Trimouille and Monsr. de la Palisse, kept back the crowd, and prevented others than those appointed from coming to the spot. . . . . . . . .

The procession of the King of England was as follows:—First, 60 archers on horseback with their bows and arrows, being the King's guard; and as many more, the body-guard of Cardinal Wolsey, followed. Next came the Cardinal's gentlemen, all in crimson velvet, with gold chains round their necks; then the trumpeters; then a number of gentlemen in gold and silver brocade, all with their chains, and in the midst the ambassadors according to their grades. Next came the King in person, with six stirrup-men in crimson velvet and gold; the stirrup-men of the most Christian King being in cloth of silver and white velvet. The King of England wore cloth of silver, and feathers on his head, with a jewelled collar of great value round his neck in lieu of a chain, besides which he had a girdle of great price. He rode a very beautiful bay horse, with trappings like those of the most Christian King, and perhaps more richly jewelled. Cardinal Wolsey was on the left hand of his Majesty, and in advance of him two silver crosses were borne; he was clad in crimson satin. Eight coursers followed, the handsomest ever seen, all trapped in different fashions, but costly and superb; they were ridden by pages in brocade with crimson velvet. The King having moved processionally thus, met in a field a band of from 3,000 to 4,000 footmen, who joined and followed him. These footmen had only their swords, and were dressed in various liveries, being preceded by others with halberts, all dressed alike in velvet and cloth. In this order the English drew up on the ridge of the hill; the French being opposite to them on the corresponding eminence. Into the valley formed by these two hills the most Christian King descended, accompanied only by Monsr. de Bourbon, High Constable, the Admiral [Bonnivet], and the Master of the Horse [San Severino].

The King of England in like manner descended, accompanied by Cardinal Wolsey, the High Constable [Marquis of Dorset], and the Master of the Horse [Sir Henry Guylford].

The two Kings met each other on horseback, and having embraced and kissed, and exchanged a few words, cap in hand, they simultaneously dismounted, and again embraced thrice, bowing to each other with marks of very great love; and, arm in arm, they entered a tent of cloth of gold belonging to the King of England, where they remained together alone for about an hour, being occasionally joined by Cardinal Wolsey and the Admiral of France.

Whilst the Kings remained in the tent, a number of silver-gilt cups were brought, nearly six feet high,full of excellent wine, and other large gilt bowls with feet (piedi) of such a size that the hand could scarcely hold them; also spice cakes (un pocho forte). Liquor was distributed to all who would accept it, and they drank much, both on account of the heat and the great crowd. When the Kings came forth from the tent, the collation was served to them standing, and many lords and gentlemen from both sides descended into the valley on foot to the spot, the King of France embracing the Englishmen, and the King of England doing the like by the Frenchmen; and when the Kings returned to their lodgings it was already dark.

On the morrow, the 8th, when the three guns were fired as the appointed signal for departure, the two Kings proceeded with a small retinue to the site of the interview held on the preceding day to arrange the jousts by common consent; and they remained together for four hours, the collation being served with less ceremony than on the day before.

On the following Sunday the most Christian King went to Guis-nes, and the King of England to Ardres; the latter dining with the Queen of France, and the former with the Queen of England at a spot immediately outside the town of Guisnes, and over a bridge which traversed the moat.

The principle entrance of the Castle of Guisnes leads into a square court-yard, of which each side measures about 50 paces. Here, to the height of some three paces from the ground, the foundations are built of bricks, which support a planked floor, strewed all over with rushes, it being the custom thus to cover all the floors in England. Above this floor, externally, the building is partly of wood and partly of stones in squares, having the appearance of a real wall. This palace represents a square as aforesaid, and is divided into halls, saloons, and chambers, leading one into the other. Throughout the palace is adorned with silk and red roses, and the emblems of the King of England; and the platforms were similarly ornamented. But marvellous were the tapestries with which the whole palace was hung; all of gold and silk; some representing figures, others foliage, which it would not be possible to paint more beautifully; the figures really seemed alive

Outside this palace is a chapel completely covered with tissue (restagno) of gold and silver. On one side of the chapel is an altar, dedicated to the saint whose name the King bears, and on the other a similar altar consecrated to the Queen's patroness, both being most richly adorned with admirably painted altar-pieces, and ornaments necessary for the altar, all of massive gold, such as crosses, chalices, patens, paxes, basins, crewets, censers, and the like. The cloths in front of the altars are embroidered with pearls and precious stones of inestimable price. There are also two desks, at which the King and Queen kneel during the mass, the space being enclosed with cloth of gold, the canopy and cushions being of the same material. From these two great desks, through two large windows, there is visible the lower chapel, marvellously adorned with tapestry in like manner, with a highly decorated altar, where there are the seats of the chaplains who sing the mass and other divine services.

The King of France dined in the palace with the Queen of England. They were seated at the centre of the table opposite to each other under a costly canopy. Cardinal Wolsey dined at one of the extremities of the table. On the other side, some three yards distant from King Francis, the sister of the King of England, la Blanche Reine Mary*, widow of the late King Lewis, now Duchess of Suffolk, was placed; and no other person sat at the table. The viands were more dainty and exquisite than can be told, and their description is therefore omitted. Constantly during dinner the most excellent vocal and instrumental music was heard; a better performance was not possible. In the other halls a number of Lords and Princes who had accompanied the most Christian King dined, and after dinner there was a ball until night, the King himself dancing, and part of the time he made love to the ladies there

The like form of feasting and dancing was observed with regard the King of England by the Queen of France at Ardres; the Cardinal de Boissi sat at table with the King, instead of Cardinal Wolsey, and in lieu of la Blanche Reine the Duchess of Alençon, the most Christian King's sister. The decoration of this French palace was very beautiful, but neither so beautiful nor so costly as that of England, though as a match for the palace of Guisnes, the most Christian King pitched a marvellous tent, all of cloth of gold and tissue, with colours and figures, these cloths of gold being visible both within and without. As it was not completed on the 10th, the banquet took place in the palace within the town of Ardres.

On the morrow, the 11th, the jousts commenced, and were attended by both the Queens, with a very great number of most noble ladies, all vieing with each other in beauty and ornamented apparel, and for love of them each of the jousters endeavoured to display his valour and prowess, in order to find more favour with his sweetheart. And thus did they assemble daily to witness sword-fighting on horseback and on foot, and other tournaments and representations of war.

This lasted from the 11th of June to the 22nd, with interruptions on account of bad weather and other unavoidable causes. During this interval both parties kept open house like perfect friends, giving hope of good-will and union between these two nations, which for many years have been bred in hatred of each other; this change being effected through the wisdom and virtue of both the sovereigns, who are anxious for the peace of Christendom. . . . . .

The above-mentioned entertainments being ended, Cardinal Wolsey, on Saturday the 23rd of June, sang a solemn mass in the presence of the Kings and Queens, and of all the other princes, lords, and ladies, on the site of the conference between the two sovereigns, after which he gave plenary indulgence to all present; and the first stone was laid for the foundation and erection of a beautiful Church, entitled, “Our Lady of Friendship” (nostra Dona de la Amistà), to be built, provided with sacerdotal ornaments, and endowed at the cost of the two Kings; and such a number of chaplains is to be appointed as shall seem fit to them.

They also agreed, at their common cost, to build in that valley a very handsome palace, promising to visit each other there once every year.

On the 24th, the day of St. John the Baptist, they separated, both being in tears (as were well nigh all the others), by reason of the tender love contracted by them reciprocally; the most Christian King returning to Paris, and the King of England to Calais; both being not a little anxious still to remain together.

Every faithful Christian should pray God to render this fraternal union of the two Kings perpetual, for the benefit of Christendom and the advancement of our religion.

 

*Mary Tudor,sister of King Henry VIII

 

1521- Leo X to Wolsey

Thanks him for his efforts in extirpating the Lutheran heresy. Has learnt from the King's letters and those of the Nuncio, the bishop of Ascoli, that the Lutheran books have been burnt at a meeting of the most eminent persons of the realm, and before a great concourse of people. Thanks Wolsey for committing the administration of the see of Worcester to Julius de' Medici. Rome, 7 June 1521

1525 - Henry Fitzroy was made Knight of the Garter

1525-Small Monasteries are Suppressed by King Henry VIII

 

1527 - Pope Clement VII surrenders to emperor Charles V's armies

 

1532 - Birth of Amy Robsart,first wife of Lord Robert Dudley

Portrait miniature of an unknown lady, possibly Amy Robsart on the occasion of her wedding, 1550

 

1533-Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

 

Has received his letter of the 23rd. Desires him to tell Henry that he will follow his advice about informing the Germans of the proposed interview. In reference to the fear that the statute against matrimonial appeals to Rome would prevent the interview, considers, from what he hears from the cardinals Tournon and Grammont, that the interview is certain. It was, however, fixed to be held at Nice on July 15, but their letters of the 27th ult. say that the cardinals and physicians urge the Pope not to go to Nice in July on account of the heat, as, of 20 people who leave Rome then and fall ill, only three escape. The Pope was ready to adhere to the time fixed, but Francis has advised him to wait till the middle of August. Will spend the time at Mascon, Tournuz, and in the neighbourhood of Lyon. Has read the letters of the Bailly and Rostaing about the doings of the archbishop of Canterbury, and the intended coronation of the Queen at Whitsuntide. Lyons, 7 June 1533.

 

1534-Chapuys to Charles V.

 

La Guiche has brought the resolution of the interview of the King his master with this king, which is to take place in August in the same place as the last. There is no talk of the ladies being present nor of much attendance. La Guiche left this morning on his return, and with him the Waywode's man, who goes to settle his despatch in the court of France. As to what the Queen sent to tell me yesterday, the King, since the remonstrances I last made to his Council, has shown himself more merciful, having set at liberty her confessor,  physician, apothecary and some others, which has been to her a great consolation; but much greater has been the letters which it pleased you to write to her. She has already sent to me three or four messengers, to entreat me earnestly to procure licence to go to her, for which I have begged as much as I possibly can, and Cromwell sent yesterday to tell me that as soon as two doctors whom the King had again sent to the Queen had returned, I should have an answer which ought to satisfy you. London, 7 June 1534.

Letters of protestation by princess Mary, dated 7 June 1534, against the treatment she had received in being declared illegitimate and deprived of the title of princess of Wales. Declares that she will not marry, enter a monastery or take any such step at the will of her father without the free consent of her mother.

The following sentence and the signature are in her own hand: “Ita ut universa et singula in hac scriptura habentur, dicimus, narramus, asserimus, asseveramus ac pretestamur de mera nostra scientia ac matura deliberatione, teste meo manuali signo et sigillo meo.” The letters were sent to Eustache Chappuis, minister of the Emperor, and were authenticated by notarial attestation and signature of witnesses.

1536 - A water pageant was held in honour of Jane Seymour, the new queen, on the Thames.

 

 Princess Mary to Cromwell

"Good Mr. Secretary, I think so long to hear some comfort from the King's grace, my father, whereby I may perceive his Grace of his princely goodness and fatherly pity to have accepted my letter and withdrawn his displeasure towards me, that nature moveth me to be so bold to send his Grace a token, which my servant, this bearer, hath to deliver to you." Begs he will find means that the King may send her a token, which will be her greatest comfort till she is permitted to come to his presence. From Hownsdon the 7 of June.

1546 - Henry VIII and Francis I signed the Treaty of Ardres

 

1557 - England declares war on France

 

1594-Execution of Rodrigo López.He was a Portuguese physician, who served Queen Elizabeth I. Robert Devereux accused Lopez of conspiring with Spanish emissaries to poison the Queen. He was arrested on January 1, 1594, convicted in February, and subsequently hanged, drawn and quartered on June 7

1654 - Louis XIV crowned King of France

 

source:wikipedia,http://www.british-history.ac.uk/

 

06 June 1508 – Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, is defeated in Friuli by Venetian troops

 

1520-Francis I

Ratification of the treaty made on the Field of the Cloth of Gold with Henry VIII., touching the marriage of Mary with the Dauphin, the sums of money to be paid to England, and an arrangement with Scotland to be settled between the duchess d'Angoulême and Wolsey. Arde, 6 June 1520.

 

1522 - Henry VIII and Charles V entered London to great fanfare to plan war against France

 

1536-Chapuys to Charles V.

On the 24th of this month, the Eve of Ascension Day, immediately on the arrival of the courier who was despatched to Pontremolo, Cromwell sent me the packet which your Majesty had forwarded to that place, begging that I would impart my news to him without delay. Shortly afterwards he sent to say that he would come and see me, but as, owing to his being so much occupied, he had failed in a like promise two days before, I, in order to put him under greater obligation, went to see him. On my arrival he told me that he had been to Court that morning, only to obtain audience for me, which the King had granted for next day. The said courier had brought letters from their ambassador, giving such news of the sincere goodwill your Majesty bore the King that Cromwell said he was better pleased than if he had gained 100,000 cr.; and he was sure I should find the King otherwise inclined than he had been before, both as regards the principal matter and also as to myself in particular, for I had greatly increased the affection he bore me on account of certain letters I had lately written to him, of which I send a copy to Grandvelle; also that by the death of the Concubine matters would be more easily arranged now than they had been. He said it was he who had discovered and followed up the affair of the Concubine, in which he had taken a great deal of trouble, and that, owing to the displeasure and anger he had incurred upon the reply given to me by the King on the third day of Easter, he had set himself to arrange the plot (a fantasier et conspirer led. affaire), and one of the things which had roused his suspicion and made him enquire into the matter was a prognostic made in Flanders threatening the King with a conspiracy of those who were nearest his person. On this he praised greatly the sense, wit, and courage of the said Concubine and of her brother. And to declare to me further the hope of good success, he informed me in great confidence that the King, his master, knowing the desire and affection of all his people, had determined in this coming Parliament to declare the Princess his heir; but by what he said afterwards, which I shall partly report, he left me in much greater doubt than before. For, besides requesting me in speaking to the King not to make any request on the Princess's behalf, and, if she were mentioned, not to speak of her as Princess, he also told me it was above all things necessary the Princess should write a letter to her father according to a draft that Cromwell had drawn up in the most honorable and reasonable form that could be, and that to solicit the Princess to do this he had, by the King's command, sent to her a very confidential lady; but, in any case, to avoid scruple, the King wished I would write to her, and send her one of my principal servants to persuade her to make no difficulty about writing the said letter, which he would have translated from English into Latin, that I might see that it was quite honorable. This translation he gave me next day as I left the Court; and since reading it I have not found the said Cromwell, to tell him my opinion of it, although I begged him the day before, when he spoke about it, to take care that it did not contain anything which could directly or indirectly touch her right, or the honor either of herself or of the late Queen, her mother, nor yet her conscience; otherwise she would not consent thereto for all the gold in the world, and the King's indignation against her would only be increased; and that he whom the said Princess regarded as almost a father, ought to take good care that the whole was free from danger and scruple. This, he said, he had done, as I should see by the tenor of the letter, of which I send your Majesty the very translation he delivered to me. Besides the evidence that letter contains that there is some bird catching attempted (quy y a de la traynee et pipe), this has been confirmed to me from a good quarter, and I have warned the Princess. I mean to get out of it (de me demesler) and dissemble the affair as much as I can, without speaking or writing of it till I have understood the intention of those here on the principal article of the negotiations. I shall excuse myself for not having sent to the Princess by saying that the messenger (icelluy) to whom I had committed the translation had lost it in returning from Court. When I have learned their intention I shall not fail to make the necessary remonstrances as to the unreasonableness of the letter, and seek all means possible to moderate such rigour; nevertheless your Majesty will be pleased to instruct me what to say and do in case the King insist on having the letter entirely written by the Princess, and that otherwise he means to punish her, as the lady sent by the King to the Princess has given a servant of mine to understand.

Notwithstanding what Cromwell has told me, many fear the obstinacy of the King towards the Princess. The earl of Sussex in the Privy Council proposed to the King that as the Princess was a bastard, as well as the duke of Richmond, it would be right to prefer the male to the female; and as this opinion was not opposed by the King, it may be that some will hereafter favor it. One who knows the French ambassador's secrets told some one that the King had offered the Princess for the duke of Angoulême; on which the said ambassadors (sic) despatched a courier to France on Ascension eve, and on their return next day the King spoke about it again, and the ambas sadors remarked that although nothing had been said of the restitution of the Princess, yet it was quite obvious that that must be presupposed on both sides. Then the King got into a great anger against the obstinacy and disobedience of the said Princess, showing clearly that he bore her very little love or goodwill. I should think he made the offer of the said marriage to interrupt the peace negotiations between your Majesty and France, which are based on the marriage of the duke of Angoulême.

Having endeavoured first to ascertain from Cromwell the King's inclination upon the above subject, I delivered to him your Majesty's letters to himself, and communicated to him the substance of what you had written to me; at which he showed himself as pleased as could be, especially as I told him that, to simplify matters, after my letters were deciphered, I would show him everything in confidence. He said to me, as before, that I should find the King his master very well disposed to peace and amity with your Majesty. I would not then enter into particulars in case of revocation and establishment of amity until I saw how the King proceeded; and by what I have perceived hitherto of the King and Cromwell, they only reckon upon preserving neutrality and remaining friends with all the world; but they have since spoken "plus avant." Cromwell tells me (but I have only been able to extract it from him by divers means) that the bailly of Troyes had come to know how the King wished to be comprehended in the peace, and that the King had replied he wished only to be comprehended as a principal contrahent; and he wished to comprehend the others, not the others to comprehend him.

The same was declared to me by the King, to whom I said that the thing was in his hands to do so if he pleased. Cromwell also told me that the bailly had brought to show the answer which the King his master had made to your Majesty upon the very honorable proposals made by you in Consistory; and that in that answer the king of France, by way of reproach, had said that without his aid you would not have obtained the Imperial crown, nor even have gone into Spain before it. At these words this King had been sorry, for it was his part to boast of these things and not that of any other, and begged the bailiff to advise his master to put in his answers things more true or more probable. Cromwell also said that the rest of the answer was such that he should have been ashamed to make it. He also said that the said bailiff [and] the other ambassador had proposed the marriage of the eldest daughter of France with this King, but that it was labour lost, for this King would never marry out of his kingdom. On my asking why, he gave me a very slender reason; viz., that if a foreign queen of great connections misconducted herself as to her person she could not be punished and got rid of like the last. And on my replying that this was a misfortune not to be expected in generous and well brought-up persons, as they might see by the example of the late Queen, I took the opportunity to suggest the marriage of the Infant Don Loys, saying everything that seemed to me suitable. As to the "Infanta" ("linfante") Cromwell passed this over altogether; but as to the Infant Don Loys, he gave ear to it readily, enquiring several times of his age and personal qualities, and how many children the king of Portugal, his brother, had. And on my saying that although there was no hope of Don Loys succeeding to the crown of Portugal, yet, besides being of so noble blood and so virtuous a prince, he had enough goods of his own to maintain honorably the estate of the said Princess, I would not say better than the duke of Suffolk and the queen of Scots' present husband, but I came so near this, that he himself said so, and, moreover, that it was certain that, failing hope of the succession of this kingdom by a male child of the King, your Majesty would, it is to be hoped, in that event do something for the advancement of the said Infant.

Next day, Ascension Day, I was with the King at 8 a.m., who, after kindly congratulating me on my convalescence, and thanking me for the letters I had written to him, began to make recital of your Majesty's letters of 13 and 18 April and of 15 May, and showed in everything the greatest satisfaction. The conversation turning on your Majesty's visit to Rome, I, finding the King in such good humour, said, in addition to the contents of the letters, that your Majesty was more desirous of the King's approval of the reasons you had given in your justification than for that of all other princes, as the King was one of the principal of all Christendom, and by his wisdom and experience was most competent to judge such matters, and that your Majesty would have been glad, before putting forth the said justifications, to have taken counsel with him about them, as you would do in all other matters. He appeared very glad to hear this, and said I should do him very great pleasure by communicating the said justification,—all the more so as, after dinner, the French ambassadors were to speak to him about that matter, and they did not always speak the truth. He took in good part my offer to read the copy of your Majesty's letters to your ambassador in France; and after talking together a while, begged that I would read them to the Chancellor and Cromwell. I did so, and they found it all so good that they had no criticisms to make.

Coming to the recital of the last letters, I studied to keep as close as possible to the text, they were so wisely and exquisitely couched, only I kept silence about "la frondeur quil avoit, et lautre fois," and refrained from saying that if this King would not go roundly to business, your Majesty would be justified, reserving that clause till it should be necessary. I also forebore to mention at once the offers of the French to treat haut et bas in what concerned him, or the delay your Majesty had made therein; but afterwards it came in very opportunely to tell him, and I had no great difficulty in persuading him of it, for he had long suspected it.

Having explained my charge to the best of my power, the King, who had been resting in a window, rose up very glad, and told me that I had brought him the most agreeable news, and for his part he was desirous of peace and amity with all the world; yet he thanked me very much for the trouble I had taken in these matters, and the good service I had done therein, as he had learned from the letters of his ambassador. After some other talk he added, that in accordance with his custom to conceal nothing from me, although the matter was of small importance, the cardinal of Lorraine had made great complaint to his ambassadors that he had heard in your Majesty's court that they had solicited and obtained, in the name of the said King, peace and amity with your Majesty; thereby insinuating that that had hindered peace between your Majesty and the king of France; and though the King does not believe that such reports have emanated from your Majesty's court, yet he will be glad if the thing be accomplished. I said these were French inventions, as he might suppose, and that I was sure if there was anything to remedy in the said case, or any other that concerned him, it would be done with great goodwill. I then said I understood the French had proposed to comprehend him in the treaty of peace, and that it would be much more profitable and honorable for him to be the principal, and comprehend the French if he thought good, and that it only rested with him to do so. He replied that he had made pretty nearly such an answer to the French ambassadors, and that he could not well say for what the bailiff of Troyes had come, for his commission was so vain and so ill founded that it was a shame, and that he would engage that the bailly could not tell distinctly what charge he has, and that formerly the bailiff had appeared to him a man of good judgment and experience, but now he found him quite otherwise. I said I thought that it might have been the fault of the matter and not of the person, that had given him such an opinion of the bailiff. He said both causes concurred, and that he was astonished at the terms of the French, who would never come to the point about anything, and were only seeking a multiplicity of matters, and that long ago he had proposed certain things to the French king by his ambassadors, to which he had not yet had any reply, though he had expected that the bailiff would have brought it, and so long a time had elapsed that the circumstances had altogether changed. He said that the said bailiff, among other things, had communicated to him the answer of the French king to the propositions made by your Majesty in Consistory, but it was no great thing.

After these and other conversations, by the advice and even request of Cromwell I recited what had been written to me from the Court of the king of the Romans of the lanceknights who have already passed into Italy, and of the preparations still made in Germany, both of foot and horse, which makes me doubt that the said King was ill informed of the forces of your Majesty. Cromwell also begged me to relate to the King what had been written to me from Genoa and elsewhere of the retreat and disbanding of the men levied by Canigno de Gonzaga and his companions. It is on this, as the King affirms, that Francis bases his argument that your Majesty was the first to violate the peace; but on my showing him that as it was against the treaties for Francis to negociate or levy men in Italy against your Majesty, and that as, besides, those Italians raised for the French king being all or most of them subjects of your Majesty and of the Empire, it was lawful for your Majesty to treat them as you had done. He made no reply, but seemed quite satisfied.

Towards the close of our conversation. Cromwell, fearing I might forget to show the King your Majesty's answer to the French ambassador at Lucca, came forward to remind me about it. The King approved it entirely, even though he seemed thereby to have less hope of an "appointement" than by what had taken place before, which is what those here have always demanded. In the end he said to me that if I had any power to treat he would order his Council to attend to it, and, if not, I ought to write for it. I told him that I had no special power, but that I knew part of your Majesty's intention, and that to gain time, if he pleased, Cromwell and I would communicate, and that according to the decision we came to I would engage to have the said power, and if it was necessary, that some honorable person should come, to give the matter more weight. To which he consented. Shortly after I left the chamber he sent to me by Cromwell to say that it would be better, before wasting time in conference, to write for the said power and wait for it; but on my insisting on the opposite view, Cromwell, after speaking again with the King, arranged on the third day after to make answer to me, and begin our conference. He was so busy, however, that we could not confer till the Monday following, which was the 29th ultimo. I then visited him at his house, and the first words he said to me were that perhaps I suspected that the delay of my answer was owing to some hope they had of treating meanwhile with the French; but I must banish that opinion, for matters were not in such a state, and, even if they were, I might be assured they would treat nothing to the prejudice of your Majesty; yet it was true that they expected news from France before sending a dispatch to their ambassador with your Majesty, but my answer would not be delayed by that. Hereupon he began to speak about the matter of the Princess as that on which depended the stability of all the other matters to be discussed. On which I showed him the injustice of the letters which he wished the Princess to write. He asked me to moderate, correct, and amend what I pleased, or to dictate another letter such as I would have, and to use my influence to get the Princess to write; in which there will be no difficulty, for the Princess is determined to do only what I advise her. Cromwell assured me that every day since I had spoken with the King, they had been discussing the affair of the said Princess, and that certain remonstrances I had made with him and others of the Council had been well taken, and that the King no longer made any difficulty in making the said Princess his heir, and that he had approved of the overture I had made for the marriage of the Infant Don Loys, which might be pursued after the restoration of the Princess, but not before. And as to the other marriage of the Infanta of Portugal, it was impossible, for the King did not intend to marry out of the kingdom. Cromwell might have said also that the King had already fixed on a wife, to wit Jane Semel, as I wrote to Granvelle on 20 May. Yet the King denied it on Ascension Day (fn. 2) to the French ambassadors, telling them he was at liberty; whereupon, as I am told, the said ambassadors next day despatched a post. On my telling Cromwell that I had heard that on the French requesting to have the Princess for the Dauphin, the King would not consent, but offered her to the duke of Angoulême, he confessed it to me, saying I might well consider what the worth of this offer was; that these were artifices of princes; and he dared to add (at which I was astonished, especially as the case only applied to the King his master) that princes often do things so extravagant and dishonest that he would rather lose one of his arms than think of acting so.

After reading to Cromwell your Majesty's letters, which he liked very much, I said if it was only a question of treating of a new and stricter friendship, we had labored to no purpose, seeing that there was no rupture or innovation on either side. And when he admitted this to be true, I went on to show that as sometimes physicians desired illness for their friends, and lawyers disputes, in order to show their true love and regard for them, and as God, without the wish of anyone, had offered a great opportunity of showing that the memory and root of old friendship was not extinguished between your Majesty and the King, and, moreover, to show the zeal he had for the service of God, the peace of Christendom, and the promotion of the Faith, the King had taken so much trouble to conciliate the Emperor and the king of France, so that he might be justly called the author and conservator of peace, that he had all the more reason to be angry at the wilful violator of peace, especially at such a juncture, when your Majesty was on the point of completing your holy and necessary enterprise against the enemies of the Faith; and that by this and other evidences, of which the King his master was fully informed, especially the understanding of the French king with Barbarossa and the Turk, with whom he had made a treaty, all Christian princes were justified in taking arms against the said King, especially the king of England, who, besides being a principal member of Christendom, bore the title of Defender of the Faith, and besides doing a good deed, would wipe out the evil rumors spread of him in France that he was no good Christian. On this Cromwell suddenly said to me that I had taken the word out of his mouth, and that if there were no other reason why the King should declare himself against Francis, he believed that Francis could be immediately crushed, or at least reduced to such terms that he would hereafter leave the world in peace; but he saw one danger in the King's so declaring, viz., lest your Majesty came to treat with the French, to which you appeared to be very well disposed, considering the offer of Milan to the duke of Angoulême; and if your Majesty considered well the consequence, you would as little consent to give the said duchy to the duke of Angoulême as to the duke of Orleans. This advice about not giving Milan to the duke of Angoulême had already been given to me by the King. I told Cromwell that in the event of your Majesty making any treaty with the French without the consent of his master, and in case his master made any difficulty about the said declaration, I proposed that he might give pecuniary aid. This I thought necessary to accelerate the negociation, and to find out the better what is in their mind, for to wait an answer to the first objection there would be no end. As to what concerns the defence of Flanders, I told him there was no need to speak, for it was notorious that the King was bound to the defence of Flanders by several treaties. Cromwell assured me that the King his master had said to him, just as he was leaving the Court to wait upon me at his house, that he knew well that among other points I would not forget to speak of the said protection of Flanders. Further, Cromwell said to me that if it rested with him he would resolve suddenly to make the said declaration against the French king, and that he would use all his influence to that effect; but that if I were of opinion that the King his master should meanwhile interfere in behalf of peace, or should send some ambassador to the king of France to advise him to desist from his enterprises, that would be done at once. I replied that as to advising the king of France, I did not think it expedient, for reasons he might sufficiently understand; it would only serve like the water which farriers throw upon the fire, and that if the King wished to induce peace he must act on the advice of Solon, the legislator of Athens, who, to appease the dissensions that might arise in that city, ordained a law that, in case of trouble arising, no citizen should remain who did not declare himself either on the one side or on the other. Cromwell said this was true, but there remained the objection that if the French knew that England was going to join with the Emperor they might offer terms, even to their own disadvantage, to injure the King his master.

To this objection I gave, I think, a satisfactory answer, with which he appeared to be content, and said that he would make a favorable report to the King, and next day give me answer. Next day he sent to ask me to excuse him, because it was impossible to speak to me either that day or the day following. On the third day, which was 1 June, he said he was obliged to go to the country, and would give me on his return an agreeable answer.

Must not omit to mention that, among the remonstrances which Cromwell approved of, he noted particularly that it was not at this time that the kings of France had first troubled the affairs of Christendom, and that their glory and ambition had caused the loss of the Holy Land, and compelled that chivalrous prince Richard Cœur-de-Lion to withdraw, Philip of France having made war upon him unjustly. Recited also to Cromwell several other wrongs done by the French, and how they boasted that the Dauphin would subdue the realm as another Dauphin had done in the time of king John; and that on this subject they had invented certain prophecies, which they had got printed, to encourage the said Dauphin, though he is well enough inclined to it himself, and some time ago dared to say in the presence of Englishmen that he would regain the title and arms which the king of England bore, and something more besides. Cromwell acknowledged it was all true, and that there were other arguments for the same course, and it would not be his fault if it were not adopted.

They have delayed my answer so long awaiting news from France, as Cromwell let out to me. The delay was to my great annoyance, as I feared that meanwhile my man George would arrive with letters from your Majesty. He came on the 1st inst., and, according to your Majesty's command, although the King has made his decision, as I have already mentioned and have before written to Granvelle, yet I will not forbear to declare the affection and goodwill of your Majesty in this point, even more amply since there is no danger of being taken too literally; yet I will take care that it cannot be said this is an offer of being godfather after the child is baptised (que ce soit ouffre de comparaige apres lenfant baptiste).

The day before George's arrival the man of the French ambassador came, who had left the same day, and to take the same news as George to the Court of France; and as soon as he had dismounted, he went in great haste with letters to Cromwell. Next day the two French ambassadors were with Cromwell, and were at Court the day before Whitsun eve.

On Whitsun eve, in the morning, Cromwell came to see me at my lodging, although I had sent to request him to wait for me at his own, and first told me, pour joyeuse entrée, that the King and the new Queen were wonderfully well pleased with the wise and prudent letters the Princess had written (in which, nevertheless, there was nothing corresponding to the draft abovementioned, nor anything that could prejudice her), and that the King was resolved to make her his heir, which he supposed to be one of the principal articles of my charge on which the rest depended. Now, it is true that I had perceived some indications that there was a proposal to declare the Princess heir without giving her the title of Princess, and she will remain excluded in case of a son or daughter being born. If this be so, and I see an opportunity to remedy it, I will speak about the subject. If not, I will not stick at it much, hoping that by the establishment of peace and augmentation of amity, with the great prudence and virtue the King will perceive in her, that she will be declared true and just princess,—although, according to the opinion of many, there is no fear of the occurrence of any issue of either sex. Coming to the principal subject, Cromwell said that he had repeated to the King his master the communications we had had together, and the King had given him patient audience, well noting and considering everything, and that he had since heard the French ambassadors, to whom he had made a brusque reply, first as to the marriage of the Dauphin with the Princess, that he knew not why they urged it, as at the meeting at Calais he had resolutely replied about it to the king of France, his brother, and as to the duke of Angoulême he was too young for the said Princess, who was of marriageable age. As to declaring himself against your Majesty, he saw no ground for it, and though they said that your Majesty had been and was his enemy, he did not see it; he had much greater occasion to complain of several who had called themselves his friends, and he could very well testify what they had done about the "privation" and other things; and as to the danger which they alleged to him, which was the sole motive they made use of, that your Majesty aspired to universal monarchy, and that you were revengeful of injuries—that the English, after feasting France, would have their St. Martin—there was not the slightest fear, for they knew the nature of your Majesty, and for other good reasons besides. As to assisting them with a contribution for the war, he also declined it for the same reason. As to the suggestion that he should take this affair in hand in order to bring to agreement your Majesty and the King their master, and that he would write to your Majesty to procure an abstinence of war while they were treating of peace, he replied that it was not reasonable that he should write such letters, for several reasons, especially as the amity between your Majesty and him was not well consolidated, but he would request me to write with diligence to your Majesty to consent, notwithstanding past matters, to an honorable peace, and used such arguments with me as he thought fit. But, considering everything, he had very little occasion to meddle with such matters, seeing that they had turned about on all sides in their negociations, even to his disadvantage, employing therein his principal enemy, the Pope, and without informing him of anything important, except at the end when the matter came to be broken off. For a compliment, they had asked him how he would be comprehended in the peace, in which matter your Majesty had acted more honorably and cordially, having told him by me that it was in his power to be the principal contrahent, and to comprehend those whom he pleased. At which words Cromwell said the King showed great delight, saying further, that the French, after so much trifling and making a thousand offers, which he repeated to the ambassadors, especially those that the cardinal of Lorraine had made to your Majesty, and seeing themselves deserted by everybody and in great danger of being completely baffled, now came to him and tried to make him stumble with them in the ditch into which they had blindly precipitated themselves, and that it was no wonder their affairs went so badly, considering the envy and dissension between the Grand Master and the Admiral, who were chief of the Council, and that they need not have made so much boast hitherto to lower their ears immediately after, and that your Majesty managed your affairs more honorably without so much fuss, and yet showed clearly that you were not in such need and poverty as the French had pretended. And here the King inveighed strongly against the cruel enterprise of the French against the duke of Savoy. Such was, as Cromwell affirmed, the King's reply to the French ambassadors, which he ended by telling them that if their master wished him to promote this peace, they must put aside passion and cupidity and submit to reason; which, in his opinion, suggested that a king of France should be satisfied with such a wealthy kingdom, without irritating the flies by which he might be provoked. And he desired that the ambassadors should write with diligence to learn the will of the King their master upon this matter, and have it set forth in articles.

After relating this to me, Cromwell began to show me the inconveniences that war would entail, and the good that would ensue from a peace, during which an expedition might be got up against the Infidels, these two Kings joining their forces with those of your Majesty; and the King his master would take care that it was all without prejudice to your Majesty; adding that the King requested that I would write about it without loss of time, since I did not know particularly your intention about this renewal of peace, and perhaps I was not perfectly informed of all the articles in which your Majesty considered the French to have infringed the treaties, and that if the French king would not consent to more reasonable conditions than he had done hitherto, the King his master would have the more occasion to declare himself, and it could not be imputed to rashness on his part, as it might be if he did so suddenly. Afterwards Cromwell said to me, without my proposing the subject, that, as to the Council, it must not be supposed that his master wanted to have a god apart, and separate himself from the union of Christians; he desired the Council as much as anyone else, provided it was called by Your Majesty as chief of Christendom. On this I replied that for this time it was right to leave the power of summoning it in the Pope's hands, and if it was otherwise determined at the said Council use would be made of it accordingly. I begged him, however, to consider and put in writing how your Majesty could effectually call the said Council; which he promised to do, and therewith I got rid of the matter for my part as far as possible, in order not to spoil the principal matter, considering that there is time enough to treat about the Council. After Cromwell had finished his discourse I warmly thanked the King for his goodwill to your Majesty, and Cromwell for the trouble he had taken in so meritorious a work. Therewith I began to praise the wise and prudent answers the King had given to the French ambassadors, especially the excuse he had made for not writing the letter they wanted him to write, because the King, not being informed of the disposition of affairs there, might have requested something of your Majesty, which you could not grant without serious damage, and you would have been in great perplexity, not wishing to refuse the King anything that was in your power. I said that, having spoken with the King, I would willingly write to your Majesty as above, and although I have no charge to discuss the said matters of the peace, yet, considering the desire you had always shown to have peace, [even] accepting unjust and injurious conditions, I would dare promise that your Majesty would not refuse the said peace if it could be assured with true regard to the right and wrong of everyone. The said King had seen how the French had observed preceding treaties, and it might be regarded as rashness to trust them again. They were now very low, and had no refuge except the Turk, with whom they wished to negociate, and they wanted the King to mediate, which the Emperor would have been very glad of if the King had been made arbiter from the first. It must also be observed that the French, seeing your Majesty had spent a vast sum of money on the expedition to Africa, and in guarding yourself against them, would seek means to make that expense unavailing; for one of the things they seek is to wear out your Majesty's money, and make you vacillate in your promises to the Italian princes; and I did not know how the Germans would be satisfied, especially some who had come at their own expense to serve you; and that it was necessary to maintain such men for the need one might any day have of them, especially against the said French, who keep no faith; and I thought your Majesty ought to consent to no peace till Burgundy was restored, which so justly belongs to you, with the arrears and expenses you had incurred for this army, and an indemnity paid to the duke of Savoy. He said his master would assuredly have good regard to everything as reason would.

As to what he had before said, that I had no particular information of the infringements of treaties by the king of France, which is the ground the King takes for [not] making the declaration which I demanded, I observed lightly that I had, and related to him what you had been pleased to write to me, telling him, besides what I had said to him last time, that even if there were no other pretext but the stoppage of payment of their pension, that was quite as fair a cause for declaring war against them as when the Cardinal had declared it against your Majesty. Cromwell said that was true, but these princes were marvellously scrupulous not to wound their honors, and it was necessary in this matter to yield to the King, begging that I would therein do a good office. I said it was not necessary to wait for other news from your Majesty to know what you would demand in case we came to negociate for the establishment of peace between you and his master.

He said he thought so too, but the King wished not to know it in order to pay this compliment to the French. Thereupon I requested him as earnestly as possible, by his duty to God and the King, and for the benefit of the realm, that he would urge the King without further delay to declare for your Majesty. He said that the short delay till an answer came from you would not matter, and that I might be assured everything would come about as your Majesty desired, requesting me, for the honor of God, at once to use every effort to have the matter of peace referred to the King's arbitration, and assuring me that in that case the French would have nothing in Milan, and that the King would have due regard to Burgundy and the other matters I had put forward. This he repeated to me several times.

The French ambassadors, who expected to go to Court to day, have been put off till tomorrow to give place to me, and this morning before the King rose I was at Court. The King sent immediately to excuse himself by Cromwell that he was not so early out. I replied that he did me wrong to treat me with such ceremony, for he might count all your Majesty's servants as his own. At which words Cromwell showed himself very much pleased, and immediately reported them to the King. On coming from mass the King repeated his excuses to me, and thanked me for the answer I had made to Cromwell. He asked where your Majesty was. I said my man, who had just returned, had left you at a day's journey from Alessandria. He also reported that on telling your Majesty the news of the arrest of her whom the King had justly executed, and declaring the cause to have been a conspiracy against his person, your Majesty appeared astonished and troubled, and asked if it was possible that she could have shown such malice against such a good, humane, and virtuous prince, who could not have done more for any person than he had done for her; and that afterwards your Majesty began to praise God that the King had escaped such danger, and that the matter had been discovered before any mischief was done. On hearing which the King was very glad, saying he was much bound to your Majesty. He then asked if it was possible that the man who had carried those news had already returned. I said, Yes, and that, besides the duplicate of the last dispatch, he had brought letters from your Majesty in which you charged me, besides recommendations, to speak of the offers (partiz) mentioned therein. He thanked your Majesty many times for your goodwill, saying that the said offers were very honorable, but even if he had not been married he could not have chosen either of the two by reason of the proximity of blood. Still he was none the less bound to you.

On his return from mass I accompanied the King to the chamber of the Queen, whom, for the King's satisfaction, I kissed, and congratulated her on her marriage, and said that her predecessor had borne the device La plus heureuse, but that she would bear the reality, and that I was sure your Majesty would be immeasurably pleased that the King had found so good and virtuous a wife, especially as her brother had been in your Majesty's service, and the satisfaction of this people with the marriage was incredible, especially at the restoration of the Princess to the King's favor and to her former condition; and, among other congratulations, I told the Queen that it was not her least happiness that, without having had the labour of giving birth to her, she had such a daughter as the Princess, of whom she would receive more joy and consolation than of all those she could have herself; and I begged her to favor her interests; which she said she would do, and especially that she would labour to obtain that honorable name I wished for her of "pacific," i.e., of author and conservatrix of the peace. After speaking to the Queen, the King, who had been talking to the other ladies, approached, and wished to excuse her, saying I was the first ambassador to whom she had spoken, and she was not accustomed to it, that he quite believed she desired to obtain the name of "pacific," for, besides that her nature was gentle and inclined to peace, she would not for the world that he were engaged in war, that she might not be separated from him. After dinner I went to speak with the King in his chamber, and protesting "pour non lui altérer son cerveaul," that I would not for the present object to the answers made by Cromwell, I begged him to take in good part that which I should say about the conversations Cromwell and I had had together. He desired that I would speak boldly. And I began to make part of the remonstrances I had made to Cromwell. He replied that it was true that the leagues and confederacies between your Majesty and him are far more ancient and better grounded than those with France; and, that notwithstanding it was true that the cause for which they had been made with France had ceased, he could not on that account fail in the promise he had made, for he was bound to both parties to defend the party attacked, and the French pretended that they were entitled to do what they had done against the duke of Savoy, because he had refused to restore Nice, which was only a surety, without violating the peace, and it was quite another thing to invade one of those comprehended in the peace from what it was to invade the subjects and dominions of a principal con trahent. And he begged your Majesty would look to this, lest by attacking France you might be called the aggressor, and he should be compelled by treaty to defend the party attacked, which would be disagreeable for him. On my showing him the articles in which the French had infringed the peace, he replied, as to Gueldres he was not informed, but he knew that a French gentleman who had been conveying money to Gueldres on the part of Francis had been taken at Brussels, and he did not think your Majesty would pretend a rupture on that account, seeing that you had made no mention of it in your statement at Rome. As to Wirtemberg, he tried to excuse the French, saying the Duke had gone to seek them, and the money the French had delivered was for the purchase of certain lands, and that the Duke was only subject to your Majesty much in the same way as the duke of Savoy. He attaches more importance to what the French have done "en lendroit de loccupateur de Mirandula;" but in the end he gave up almost every point, although he wished somehow to excuse an incursion lately made by the French on the frontiers of Artois, saying it was done by peasants of their own accord. After much talk the King notified to me that it would be necessary, in order to soften both parties, to tell them their wrong and show some "braverie," begging your Majesty to consider the good that would come of a new peace; and instead of commanding, he begged me to do my duty in this matter, not once but at least ten times, saying to me "Monsieur, je vous supplie, considerez, faictez, ecrivez, &c.," which was quite extravagant courtesy. At last, seeing that it was no use pressing him to declare himself, I asked him what, in conclusion, I was to write to your Majesty. He replied that I ought to know better than he; but since I asked him he thought I should write that if you were willing that he should mediate this peace he would do it willingly, and would take care to allow no article that was not honorable to your Majesty. I said he ought to bid me write another article, viz., that in case he found the French to be violators of the peace or aggressors, or that they would not agree to a reasonable peace, he should declare himself for your Majesty. He replied cheerfully and distinctly that I might boldly assure your Majesty of it. He did not repeat what he had said before, that it was necessary also that he should use such "braverie" towards your Majesty in case you were wrong, nor that it must be considered if new conditions more unreasonable than the previous were put forward he should consider himself mocked by the parties unless it was owing to expenses since incurred, or a change in the situation. The King having explained to me as above I told him he might hold it certain that he would find all the fault was on the side of the French, as he would see clearly if he would weigh a little what I had said to him. Moreover, the French would never consent to honorable conditions. I therefore begged him to consider from this time about making a new treaty with your Majesty, and that he would declare to me what he would demand on his part in like case. He said to me he had certainly not considered about it, and for the haste of this despatch, as he had not all his council, he could not at present determine, but I might write to your Majesty that I would inform you of everything by the first despatch.

The King had said to me before with great protestations that it was not by way of reproach, and he begged me not to inform you about it if I did not think it for the benefit of affairs; that, because the promise formerly made to him to continue the war against the king of France, even to the privation of the Crown, had not been kept, he feared that when they came to treat it would be the same thing again. But I satisfied him on this point by several reasons.

On my leaving the King he called several of his Council who were there in the chamber, and repeated to them our communications. Meanwhile I went to talk with this Queen's brother, whom I left very well informed of the great good it would be, not only to the Queen his sister and all their kin, but also to the realm and all Christendom likewise, if the Princess were restored to her rights; and I am sure he will use his good offices therein. The duke of Norfolk afterwards, leaving, told me that I should see without being told that the King his master had no need of Chancellor or Council to make his replies and take his determinations, for he did all his business himself. I afterwards spoke to Cromwell, reporting the brusque words the King had used to me, but excusing him because he had already taken upon himself the office of an arbiter, who to bring the parties to an agreement imputes blame to both. Cromwell replied that I had spoken truly, and he thought it a great advantage that I understood the nature and artifice of the King his master, and that he could assure me all would go well; and he prayed God that during these interludes your Majesty's army might make notable progress, and that if the Princess were restored, which he hoped would be by Saturday next, all the rest could be easily settled; and that the Queen, after leaving me, had spoken to the King as warmly as possible in favor of the Princess, putting before him the greatness and goodness of all her kindred. Cromwell would advise your Majesty to write a rather long letter to the King about the injuries done you by the king of France, your efforts for peace, the expences you have incurred, and offering still to accept a sure and honorable peace, especially for the King's sake; and that you might send me the conditions apart if you did not think proper to write them to the King, among which conditions Cromwell presupposes would be the demand for Burgundy.

I have delivered the letters of credence to the three dukes, who thank you very humbly and promise to use their best offices for the matter in question and all other things, especially the duke of Suffolk, who has again sent for leave to take a command of Englishmen for the service of your Majesty. The duke of Norfolk inclines more to the side of France; I know not whether owing to conformity of conditions, or because the pension assigned to him by your Majesty was never paid. The interview of the two kings is forgotten. The king of Scots, after the example of his "patrisant et matrisant," has also aken to wife "une sienne amoreuse," and laughs at the French who had failed in their promise to him.

Not being too well assured by the words of those here, I thought it my duty not merely to write simply how matters stood, but to add some of the circumstances, that your Majesty might judge more clearly the intentions of these men; for which reason I beg you to excuse my prolixity. London, 6 June 1536.

 

Chapuys to Henry VIII.

Would have waited on him before, but for an attack of fever. Cannot yet safely go out. Writes, however, to express his zeal for the promotion of an inviolable amity, and to congratulate the King on this new felicity, rejoicing at the removal of obstacles to the long desired alliance. God has shown special care for Henry. Many great and good men, even emperors and kings, have suffered from the arts of wicked women. It is greatly to Henry's credit that he has detected and punished conspiracy before it came to light otherwise. Enlarges on this at considerable length, and assures Henry that he may rely on the firm friendship of the Emperor.

 

1537-Cromwell to Sir T. Wyatt.

Though Wyatt has been somewhat slack to write to him, takes the opportunity of this bearer, M. du Vauldray, who has been declaring the Queen of Hungary's excuses for the conveyance of the traitor Pole from Cambray (where he had retired when expelled by the French king) to the dominion of the bishop of Liege, "which was thought, to have been more solemn than the treaties required." Don Diego de Mendoza arrived the Wednesday after Pentecost, and was well received by the King, then being at Hampton Court. With him and the other ambassador Cromwell and others of the Council have, by the King's appointment, had sundry conferences upon the causes of his coming, touching the marriage. Though the King is well inclined, nothing is concluded, because Mendoza brought no new commission, but only such as the ambassador here resident had received long before; also because they make some difficulty in the demand that the Emperor should rather adhere to the King than to the bp. of Rome, and should withstand any attempts made by the Bishop and his adherents against the King. The said ambassadors have written of this by De Vauldray, and upon their answer from the Emperor the matter shall be concluded or broken off. Advises him to pretend ignorance; yet he may take any opportunity of saying that at his departure the King's mind was, for good causes, immutably against the said Bishop, and doubtless he would not esteem an alliance perfect with any person that would assent to or assist in anything to his displeasure, taking heed evermore to the nourishing of the good amity between them.

The King is in good health and disposition, the more because the Queen is quick with child. God send her good deliverance of a prince, to the joy of all faithful subjects. Upon the news coming from Hampton Court to London on Trinity Sunday, at afternoon, there was great celebrity at Powles, and thanks given to God, and in the evening solemn fires both in the city and other towns. The whole realm is peaceful, and offenders sorry for their offences, and desirous to serve the King, the more so because of his Grace's merciful pardon extended to them, and observed inviolably. For although lords Darcy and Husey, Constable, Bigot, Sir John Bulmer, Hamerton, the lord Lumley's son, Aske, Tempest, the abbot of Jervaulx, the prior of Bridlington, and some others, also Sir Thos. Percy, had their pardon, yet they have been openly convicted of high treason most ungratefully committed since, and some of them be already executed. Wyatt may affirm that if they had not offended since their pardon, the King would never have remembered their previous offences. From the Rolls, 6 June

 

 

1549 - Protestations in Cornwall against the new Book of Common Prayer

1556 - Birth of Edward la Zouche, 11th Baron Zouche.He was an English diplomat. He is remembered chiefly for his lone vote against the condemnation of Mary, Queen of Scots, and for organising the ill-fated stag-hunt where his guest, the Archbishop of Canterbury, accidentally killed a man.

1586 – Francis Drake's forces raid St. Augustine in Spanish Florida.

 

 

 

Source:http://www.british-history.ac.uk/

05 June 1516 - Maria de Salinas ( lady-in-waiting to Catherine of Aragon) married William, 11th Lord Willoughby of Eresby.Their daughter was Catherine Willoughby,( fourth wife of Charles Brandon, 1st Duke of Suffolk)

Maria was a devoted friend to Catherine of Aragon. In August 1532, shortly before Catherine's marriage to Henry was annulled, she was ordered to leave Catherine's household and not to make any attempt to communicate with her. In September 1534, when Catherine's health deteriorated, Maria begged permission to visit her but was denied. On 5 January 1536 she forced her way into Kimbolton Castle to see Catherine, having again been refused permission to visit."She disguised herself and fabricated a story about having fallen off her horse and claimed to desperately need a place in which to recover."*  

The Queen Catherine died two days later.

1523 - Birth of Margaret of France, Duchess of Berry (Marguerite de Valois) She was the daughter of King Francis I of France and Claude, Duchess of Brittany.

1588 - Death of Anne Cecil, Countess of Oxford.She was the daughter of the statesman William Cecil, 1st Baron Burghley, chief adviser to Queen Elizabeth I of England, and the translator Mildred Cooke. In 1571 she became the first wife of Edward de Vere, 17th Earl of Oxford. She served as a Maid of Honour to Queen Elizabeth before her marriage.

 

* http://onthetudortrail.com/Blog/2011/01/07/the-death-of-catherine-of-aragon/

 

04 June 1534 – Death of Sir Edward Guildford,English courtier and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports and Marshal of Calais in 1519.

 

1534-The declaration of answer from the King and his Council to the princess Dowager concerning certain messages and reque[sts] made to the King's highness, as on her behalf, by Sir Edm[und] Bedyngfeld, knt., steward of her house, and William Tyrr[ell], gent. usher.

On Corpus Christi day we spoke with the princess Dowa[ger], Sir Edw. Chamberleyn being present, showing her “w[hen] we had our message from her to the King as by mouth [declared], that after our declaration to the King's highness and his Privy [Council] we were commanded, to put it in writing, and so we did, de[siring] her Grace to hear the tenor and process of it.” To this she agreed, and Sir Edmund Bedyng[feld told her] that the King and his Council were much surprised at her declaration that she [was not] carnally known by prince Arthur, and could not believe she would persist in it, as it could not be esteemed material in law, besides the depositions and presumptions to the contrary. “To the w[hich she answered], I do greatly marvel that any wise, noble or learned men (having a conscience) will take upon them to judge or determine any such act to be done betwixt prince Arthur and me; and Almighty God knoweth (to whom nothing can be hid) they say untruly on me.” She protested before God that she [was brought] a true maid unto the King, and that neither for love of the King nor of her daughter, nor for honor or riches, would she damn her soul, adding: “And furthermore [whereas yo]w do declare prince Arthur to have sufficiency of age [I w]ill briefly declare unto you his age. He was 15 years [twenty-seven]e weeks and odd days when he died, for the cummyng [of the] King his father into this realm and his marriage [with qu]ene Elizabeth, and so then his birth and his de[ath wil]l profe my saying to be true. Also there were dy[vers] . . . . . women about me at that time that hath [showe]d the truth of their conscience in this matter . . . . . [of] them were Spaniards and the residue of th[em English]; and if any of them be living I doubt not [they wi]ll verify my saying.”

Further, Sir Edmund Bedingfeld told her “where she stikked for . . . . . and fervently in the sentence given at Rome,” all learned men considered it of no effect, and her own council affirmed the same, because it was delivered after the King's appeal to a General Council. Moreover, the bishop of [Rome] has no authority here in this r[ealm] to define the succession of princes. She replied that she would not discuss the laws of the realm, but would stand to the Pope's sentence, for in the beginning of this matter [the King was] content she should have a council of bishops, doctors and proctors of this realm.

Sir Edmund Bedyngfeld also said that where she desired to have her confessor, two chaplains, physician, potecary, two men, and those women that be now about her, as many as it shall please the King to appoint, and that they should take no oath except to the King, and to her and no other woman; “as in this request and desire your Grace must open more plainly your mind; for if it be your desire to have the persons above named to serve you and name you as [Queen], that in nowise can be agreed unto, for it should be prejud[icial] to the King's honor, dignity and laws; but to have [them] sworn unto the King as their prince and sovereign, and to [you] as dowager of prince Arthur and his loving sister, he migh[t] peraventure be the more facylye induced thereto.” She replied that her confessor, physician and potecary were her countrymen, who had continued with her many years and had taken much pains with her, as she was often diseased. But if they took any further oath than they has done to her she would never trust them again.

 

1536 - Jane Seymour proclaimed Queen

1550 - Robert Dudley married Amy Robsart

source:http://www.british-history.ac.uk/