• 14 January 1478 – Birth of Henry Algernon Percy, 5th earl of Northumberland

    1501 - Martin Luther, age 17, enters the University of Erfurt.

    1507 – Birth of Catherine of Austria, Queen of Portugal

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    1514 - Pope Leo X issues a papal bull against slavery.

    1515 – The Duke of Suffolk was sent to France to bring back Mary Tudor, Queen of France

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    1526 - Charles V & Francis I sign Treaty of Madrid, forcing Francis to give up claims to Burgundy, Italy & Flanders

    1535-Chapuys to Charles V.

    I have received your Majesty's letters of the 9th ultimo, and informed the Queen and Princess of what concerned them, which has been to their great comfort. I have always done, and shall do, my best to gain the goodwill of this people towards your Majesty. It does not cost much trouble, for they are almost all devoted to you. The day before yesterday lord Sands, the King's chamberlain, captain of Guisnes, and one of the best men of war in the kingdom, sent to tell me he was very sorry the times were such that he could not invite me to his house, but your Majesty might be sure that you had the hearts of all this kingdom; and that if you knew the great disorder that exists here, and the little hope of making good resistance now that the people were so alienated from the King, you would not delay to apply a remedy. At the least disturbance your Majesty could make, this kingdom would be found in inestimable confusion. The said lord Sands is at his house pretending to be ill, he is so disgusted with the Court, and has sent this message to me by his physician, whom I know. I like to make acquaintance with men of that profession, because they can come and go to all places without suspicion. I have sent no message yet to those mentioned in your letters, because my ordinary messenger is in Flanders.

    Nothing is known about news from Ireland, except that about three days ago Cromwell delivered a good sum of money to two Irishmen, and said to some who were present that they had already taken one of the principal of those who had caused trouble there, and that Kildare would be taken and brought hither in a few days. Cromwell also mentioned that the king of France was raising lanceknights about Lorraine and the county of Montbeliard. Kildare has long been threatened, and will take as good care of himself as hitherto. It is true many fear that his men may betray him if he has not money to maintain them. I am told by a good man that about 60 English harquebusiers had entered some tower, but were surprised and driven out by Kildare, leaving their arms behind. I hear the King and Council are much disappointed at hearing nothing from France on the subject of the negotiations between the King and the Admiral, and they fear some intelligence with your Majesty. The King hopes that at an interview with Francis, which he reckons will be very soon, he will break off all other understandings. And to persuade Francis the better to this assembly, in order that he may not excuse himself, as last year, I am told that the King has come to no determination on any of the matters proposed by the Admiral, but put off his answer till the meeting. That was the answer given (among other things) as to the marriage of this princess with the duke of Angouleme; which the Admiral, I am told, took very ill; and still worse what occurred at the feast the King gave him on the eve of his departure, when he, being seated next the Lady, while they were dancing, (fn. 1) she burst into a fit of incontrollable laughter without any occasion. The Admiral frowned, and said, "What, madam, do you laugh at me?" On which she excused herself by saying it was because the King had told her he was going to ask for the Admiral's secretary to amuse her, and that the King had met on the way a lady who made him forget the matter. I don't know if the excuse was accepted as satisfactory. The King, on the other hand, and the Lady were much disappointed that the Admiral showed no pleasure at any attention that was shown to him, even at the Tower of London and the Ordnance.

    As to master Godscalke, he must be ere this in Flanders. There is no way of hearing, as no Scotch ambassador has been here since the one who came to swear to the peace, who returned immediately; nor have the English sent any until now. The duke of Norfolk's brother leaves to-morrow, and carries some rich garments to present to the king of Scots, with cloth of gold and silver; and it is said he is to ask James to send back some English Observants who go about preaching there that this king is schismatic. He must also have some other charge, as the Council have met several times. At all events, he will have leisure to inquire about the business of Godscalke, and will probably again solicit James to be present at the proposed interview. People are astonished at the despatch of so stupid and indiscreet a man. I hear also he is to present a Barbary horse and three other great horses.

    I have not been able to learn more about the count de Hui, except that I hear he got a very meagre present, and left ill content. Eight days ago Norfolk sent to tell me that his master, desiring to be frank with the Emperor. wished to communicate to me certain letters lately written to him by one named Jacques, a native of Bruges, who had left the Court of your Majesty, where he was halberdier, for some homicide; and after he had taken refuge in France, as I was informed, not only by him but by the treasurer of Besancon, who was then ambassador in that country, that he had done service to the Emperor, I took him into my service, but did not feel I could trust him, and got rid of him. He then returned to France, entered the service of Mons. de Likerke, fled to Scotland for another homicide, and at last, as I wrote a few days ago, has arrived here. He relates in the said letters several services he has done to your Majesty, which, he says, have been ill-requited, charging you with avarice and ingratitude more than any other prince; for which reason he offered, through the duke of Norfolk, to do service to this king against your Majesty, and said he would endeavour to get into my service again to play the spy and let them know when I sent off despatches. He informed them also of the day that messire Gouschalke left your Majesty, and when he embarked for Flanders, saying that Kildare had accompanied him through Ireland with 500 horses till he embarked for Scotland, and that he had given Kildare all the ordnance in the zabre that brought him from Spain, and that he had done all he wanted in Scotland, so that your Majesty, who wanted to usurp everything, with the aid of the Irish and Scotch (who were now very bad Frenchmen on account of the refusal of the promised marriage), would make an expedition against England, although it would be fruitless, and that messire Gotschalke, who had once been chancellor of king Christiern, would conduct the affairs of your Majesty as unhappily as those of his late master. He said also that Gotschalke was very angry at him because he would not take some letters to Kildare in Ireland, and that he had some words with him, which, as he wrote, he did not wish to let me know. He said also in the said letters that he was kinsman of the provost of Cassel, who was formerly here as ambassador from your Majesty.

    Having considered the whole matter, I told the gentleman, and sent word to the duke of Norfolk that there could have been no danger of the said Jacques doing mischief, for there was not the smallest chance of my taking him into my service again, and, moreover, that even if he were there and understood all I did, he could not have reported anything but what was honorable; it would rather have done me good by showing that things were quite otherwise from what was suspected. Nevertheless, I thanked them for what was a really friendly turn done to your Majesty and myself, adding that I would hereafter thank them in person. The Duke answered my messenger that if I would come to him he would await me at the place where the King's ships are built, halfway between Greenwich and this town. Next morning I was there at the appointed hour. The Duke and the treasurer Fitzwilliam had been waiting for me some time, being anxious to show me two ships which were then on land, the one finished and the other not. In doing which the Duke several times said it was a good thing for a king of England to be provided with such vessels to inspire awe in those who wished to attack him, and that he thought with these two, and four or five in the river before them, they could tight the whole world. He also said that your Majesty would have much trouble with Barbarossa, who was "taille"  not only to waste Sicily but also several other countries, and they had also news that Barbarossa was "paisible" of Tunis, and that the Turk was arming in great force at Constantinople. I said I thought that these ships might also serve against the Turk, and that everything might be set right "apres les fumees passees," and as to Barbarossa, I had firm hope that God would defend his own cause, and that often when the affairs of your Majesty seemed desperate, they were on the eve of a triumphant issue. When the Duke saw that I did not make much of his suggestions, he turned to another matter, and said I knew well the inestimable money that his master would derive from the power that the churchmen had given him. As it would have done no good to irritate those whom the case touched, I only said to him that those who had granted that had shown themselves very good subjects. He then said that if your Majesty would not show so much respect to the bishop of Rome, you might do the same yourself and fill your coffers. I answered, if that were determined by a General Council, it would tend to a common agreement. I then proceeded to thank the King and the Duke for their communication about the aforesaid letters, and I begged that I might have them to send, as evidence of their friendship, to your Majesty. He said he didn't know what had become of them, and was afraid he had burnt them that morning with some others, but would send them if he found them. I have little doubt he has them, but they mean to make use of them in France and Scotland. I told the Duke also that M. de Roguendorff had written to me that I ought particularly to report to him the disorder of affairs here, thinking that for the honesty and virtue the Duke had known in him, he would try to remedy it, and that if there were any misunderstanding between your Majesty and this king, he would endeavor to get the king of the Romans to be a mediator. The Duke replied he would it should cost him one of his hands that your Majesty and the King his master should be good friends, and that if M. de Roguendorff or I were prepared to make any overture, he would do his best in the matter. I said it was no use referring to Roguendorff, who had no knowledge of affairs here, or to me, who had no ability to speak of such things before such a prudent council as that of the King; for I had ventured formerly to represent that the good treatment of the Queen and Princess was very necessary not to offend God and the world, and not having seen any amendment in that matter, I did not intend to speak of it any more, especially as the English ambassador had intimated to your Majesty that they should be treated with all favor and respect.

    The Duke then sought somehow to excuse the said treatment, and, finding it would be troublesome to make a pertinent conclusion. said neither would he enter into discussion of such matters, and that I should devise some other means. I said God would find means when he pleased, and that what I had said was only to comply with the wish of the sieur de Roguendorff. In parting, when I was about to embark on the boat, the Duke said it was very strange your Majesty would receive ambassadors from that traitor, meaning Kildare, and still more, that you had sent ambassadors to him with ordnance, as he had been informed. I told him I didn't believe it, but that your Majesty might have sent to Ireland for some matter relating to the Spanish fishermen who haunt their coasts, and that if they were suspicious of anything, your Majesty would doubtless explain it to their ambassador.

    The said Jacques has had some suspicions, and hidden himself two or three days. Now he begins to go at large. As he might run away before I have an answer from your Majesty, I have written to the Queen in Flanders whether it would not be well to make some suit against him, knowing that the duke of Norfolk would help, for he hates him, and when he was at Marseilles, meeting Jacques at La Palisse, he took him prisoner by his own authority, as M. de Likerke well knows, who had to speak to the French king about it.

    There is a report that the Pope has sent a brief to this king. If his Holiness expected to mend matters here he was mistaken, for since the report, the King, who held in his hands the bishoprics of cardinal Campeggio and the auditor of the Chamber. has given that of the former to the Lady's almoner and the other to another, and sermons and farces are made daily as much as ever against Papal authority.

    I have not been able to find out what the Waywode's envoy solicited; most likely money, and to incite France and England against your Majesty and the king of the Romans. For a good Englishman told me he heard from the said envoy that he pretends the quarrel of Hungary touches not only his master, but this king and Francis; for if Hungary be overcome, France and England will be slaves to the Emperor. London, 14 Jan. 1535.

    1559 – Coronation procession of Elizabeth I



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  • 13 January 1528-The divorce

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    Has shown the Pope all that Wolsey wrote to him on Dec. 15, viz., the new contribution to be made by the King, and the preparations for Lautrec's progress; as well as the French king's instructions to Lautrec. The Spaniards and Germans demand two pays which are due to them, without which they will not leave Rome; but if Lautrec goes towards Naples the Spaniards also will go thither. It is not certain what the Germans will do. Is carrying on practices by means of the Pope for the surrender of Abruzzo.

    The fleet has taken Sardinia. Renzo has received a reinforcement of Corsicans, and will attack Sicily when the wind is favorable.

    Yesterday and today, had a long conference with the Pope about sending a legate conformably to Wolsey's letters of the 27 Dec. He is desirous of satisfying the King, but wishes to consult St. Quatuor and Simonetta as to the best method of proceeding, and they have resolved as follows: They think that the King must commit the cause to the Cardinal by virtue of the commission which the Secretary (Knight) takes, or of his own legatine authority; and when the cause is so committed, if the King finds his conscience disburdened, and he can honestly do what he requires, there is no doctor who can better resolve this point than the King himself. If, therefore, he is so resolved, as the Pope believes, let him commit his cause to the Legate, marry again, follow up the trial, let a public application be made for a legate who should be sent from the Consistory; for this will be most expedient. St. Quatuor and Simonetta say, if the Queen is cited she will put in no answer, except to protest against the place and the judges, and then the Imperialists will demand of the Pope a prohibition, and so the King cannot marry again, and if he does his offspring will not be legitimate. They will also demand a commission for the cause to be heard at Rome, and the Pope will not be able to refuse it. But if the King marry again they cannot demand a prohibition, and can only urge that Wolsey and the other cardinal and the place are suspicious, and ask that the cause may be examined at Rome, when the Pope will give sentence, and so judgment will be passed, to the satisfaction of the whole world, to which neither Spaniard nor German can make objection.

    This is the method he suggests for proceeding; but he desires it should not be thought to come from himself. As Wolsey is anxious for speed a legate may be sent on the King's application. The Pope will consent to send whomsoever Casale shall nominate,—Campeggio, Cæsarinus, &c. Cesis is a hostage at Naples. Cæsarinus has a bishopric in Spain. Ara Cæli has the gout. Campeggio would be the most suitable, but cannot leave Rome immediately, unless Lautrec advances. The Pope tells me to say that he will not fail in doing what he can to satisfy the King's wishes; and I think he is sincere. He says he relies entirely on the King, and he is certain the Emperor will not pardon him, but force him to call a council or deprive him of his dignity and life. He has no trust in the French. Campeggio has written to the Pope that three days ago the Friar General spoke to him of the King's business, and ordered him to write to the Pope to put out a prohibition that the cause should not be tried in England.

    1531-Chapuys to Charles V.

    On the 11th the King received letters from Rome of 20 Dec., which did not please him much, nor the Lady either. Last night the duke of Norfolk sent to me to come this morning and speak with him at the church of the Jacobins, where I found him, and the Treasurer, and Dr. Stephen, chief secretary. Retiring to a private chapel, the Duke said he wished to inform me, both as your ambassador and as a friend of peace, of a constitution made by the States of the realm, and heretofore published, against bringing bulls or provisions from Rome; and said that two days ago he was informed that the Pope had, at the solicitation of the Queen's friends, sent them some very injurious mandates, which, if the Pope himself came to execute in person, nothing could save him from the fury of the people. He therefore begged me, if they came to my hands, to do nothing to execute them. He then said that the Popes in former times had tried to usurp authority, and that the people would not suffer it,still less would they do so now; that the King had a right of empire in his kingdom, and recognised no superior; that there had been an Englishman who had conquered Rome, to wit, Brennus; that Constantine reigned here, and the mother of Constantine was English, &c. I thanked the Duke for his good will in telling me this, and said my curiosity had not led me to inquire into their affairs or constitutions, which I consider did not bind the minister of your Majesty. As to the rights claimed by the Pope here, although I had learned something about them in their own chronicles, I did not wish to enter into the subject; but the authority which the Pope could exercise against disobedient kings and realms was notorious, and had been exercised in our times,on which subject they might address themselves to the Nuncio; and I thought they would do better to eradicate the cause which moved the Pope to issue those injunctions. I also said they might be sure your Majesty would not allow anything unreasonable to be done against the King, whose realm you would protect like your own, but that if I received your commands I would certainly do my best to execute them, come what might. The Church was not so reduced in power that it had no followers to protect truth and justice. They replied that they did not mean to speak about your Majesty; but as to the Pope, they did not hope for justice from him, for, if he had been so minded, he might have allowed the King to take another wife, as he had done to other princes. They did not name them; but, as I supposed they meant king Charles [VIII.] and Louis [XII.] of France, and the last Ladislaus king of Hungary, I pointed out the differences of the cases; and when they said that the judgment properly belonged to the archbishop of Canterbury, I showed them the contrary. Nevertheless, it seemed that God had blinded them in this matter, when, hoping to advance the cause, they made the said Archbishop and other prelates sign letters addressed to the Pope, which alone incapacitate them from being judges in the case. Finding they were disposed to listen, I took the opportunity of telling them part of my opinion upon the divorce, which I had hitherto withheld. I said they might be assured that if your Majesty, who, from the number and separation of your kingdoms, has more need of a plurality of children, had been not only in the King's position, but even in full liberty to marry, and had a daughter like the Princess, and if the King had prayed your Majesty as earnestly as you had prayed him (la, query for le?) in order to avoid the scandal and inconveniences, of which the Duke himself had spoken to me, you would have refrained from marrying again. I remarked, besides, that by marrying the Princess, he would be able to choose a successor more surely than nature would give him one, with good hope of having shortly male issue; and if it was true, as the Duke had told me, that the lawful title that the King has in this realm proceeded from a woman, namely, his mother, this course was all the more reasonable. To this the Duke was unable to reply, except very coldly, that still the King would marry if he could.

    I said also that your Majesty and the Queen had more occasion to be dissatisfied with the Pope in this affair than the King had, whom he had gratified as much as he could. The Duke, referring to the Council, said the Pope might not get much benefit from it. I said they themselves, though they did not know it, had been partly the cause why the Pope had not so readily consented to the Council, that he might justify himself from various calumnies they had published about him, and show that he had given no occasion to the King to do anything against him or the Church, and that his Holiness acted like a good pastor, who, instead of being judge of all the world, wished to submit to all the world's judgment. The Duke answered that the Pope had no jurisdiction, except in matters of heresy. Notwithstanding the friendship between your Majesty and the Pope, I would not have gone so far in defending his Holiness, but that the conversation led me to it. My words were taken in good part, and the Duke said he had lately shown the ambassadors of France the seal or the tomb (le sceau ou la sepulture) of King Arthur, (I did not know of whom he spoke,) in which there was a writing, which I would see in a bill of parchment, which he took out of his purse, saying that he had had it copied out for me. This bill contained only the words "Patricius Arcturus, Britanni, Galli, Germani, Daci Imperator." I said I was sorry he was not also called Emperor of Asia, and that he had not left this King as his successor; for, as there was a vicissitude in all things, it was probable enough that a king of England subjugated part of the provinces there named, since from them had come men who had long ruled over this kingdom, and the line of William of Normandy still endured; and if from this he argued that they might still make conquests like the said Arthur, let him consider what had become of the Assyrians, Macedonians, Persians, &c. In the end I told him I thought the King would do well to allow execution of Papal mandates to be intimated to him and two or three persons whom the matter concerned, after the example of Philip father of Alexander the Great, who would not expel from his house one who continually reviled him, because he preferred that he should continue to revile him, and state his case, rather than that he should go publishing it throughout the world : for if the King hindered the execution here, the mandates would probably be printed and published everywhere. To this they made no reply. Advises that if the King persist, the mandates should be printed. Today the duke of Norfolk has notified the Nuncio of the penalties attending execution being made here against the King, and said that he was very much surprised, considering the good words his Holiness had held to card. Grammont, that he ordered the cause to be proceeded with, and further that he wished to make certain provisions and mandates injurious to the prerogative of the King and kingdom, seeing that he had long ago warned the Nuncio that the King would not proceed de facto in this affair, and there was less appearance of his proceeding in it now than ever, whatever they might say. The Nuncio had no leisure to make much reply, except that he knew nothing about the mandates; but if the Pope sent them to him to execute, he would face death in the service of his master. The Nuncio went today, at my request, to the archbishop of Canterbury, to exhort him to have regard to God, his conscience, and the Pope's authority. While they were together, there arrived the King's confessor, (fn. 3) one of the promoters of this affair; and the Archbishop could only say that the King had come in person to his house to induce him to comply with his wishes, but he would on no account disobey the Pope's prohibition, as he would declare more fully on Tuesday next. The Nuncio has not yet been able to obtain any answer to the brief (au brefz) which he has presented to the King touching the calling of a Council, and doubts if he will have any till they know the will of the French king.

    The messenger who carried it to the king of Scotland has not yet returned, but is expected hourly. I hear the King was never in greater perplexity than since the last news from Rome, and that neither he nor the Lady sleeps at nights.

    Yesterday the prelates were assembled to consider what was to be treated in Parliament; but no mention was made of the Queen's affair, which, taken with what the duke of Norfolk said to the Nuncio, shows that they will not put this matter forward.

    It is thought that Parliament will last a very short time, and be prorogued. I am told that when John Joquin was on the point of departure, and his despatches were delivered to him, he demanded a memorandum which he had delivered to the King, and the secretary told him they would send it after him, for the King had it, and was then in bed. At which being very angry, he said there was no excuse for it, and that he would not go without it. They were obliged to wake the King to give it him, and when he got it back he threw it in the fire. I am also told that on the English ambassador desiring Francis to make a strict alliance with them, he answered that all pleasures and courtesies would be done to them, but they must not expect him to enter into war (mais que nestoit question dentendre en partir de guerre). The 4,000 or 5,000 crowns which were delivered a year ago to a German, as I wrote to you, have been employed in trying to procure opinions in Germany in the King's favor; but Luther and his followers have declared against him, which has increased the King's headache and restlessness. London, 13 Jan.

    1547 – Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey is sentenced to death.He  was an English aristocrat, and one of the founders of English Renaissance poetry. He was a first cousin of Catherine Howard and the son of Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk

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     Trial of Henry Earl of Surrey.

    File of documents in Baga de Secretis Pouch XIV. as follows:

    M. 15. Special Commission to Thomas lord Borough, Sir Edward Mountagu, Sir John Hynde and Sir Roger Towneshend, to inquire touching treasons etc., in the county of Norfolk. Westm., 31 Dec. 38 Hen. VIII. [Great Seal appended, much broken.]

    M. 13. Precept by the above commissioners to the sheriff of Norfolk to summon a grand jury at Norwich castle 7 Jan. next. London, 1 Jan. 38 Hen. VIII. [Four seals appended, much injured.] Endd. as answered by Henry Hobart, sheriff.

    M. 14. Jury panel annexed, viz., Anthony Gurney, William Brampton, John Berney, George Horsman, Ralph Shelton, Edmund Wode, Robert Rugge, William Rogers, Thomas Codde, Robert Lovedaie, Richard Sponer, William Drake, Thomas Aldriche, John Thetford, Thomas Hare and Henry Dengeyn.

    M. 12. Sessions at Norwich castle, 7 Jan., at which (m. 11) the jury above named found the following true bill.

    M. 9. Bill of indictment setting forth that whereas Parliament of 8 June to 18 July 28 Hen. VIII. enacted that whosoever, by words, writings, printing, or other external act, maliciously shall procure anything to the peril of the King's person or give occasion whereby the King or his successors might be disturbed in their possession of the Crown, etc. (Stat. 28 Hen. VIII. cap. 7, § 12) shall be guilty of high treason; And whereas Henry VIII. is true King of England, and Edward formerly king of England, commonly called Saynt Edward the Confessor, in right of the said realm of England, used certain arms and ensigns, viz., "asur a crosse flewry betwene fyve merlettes golde," belonging to the said King Edward and his progenitors in right of the Crown of England, which arms and ensigns are therefore appropriate to the King and to no other person; And whereas Edward now prince of England, the King's son, and heir apparent, bears, as heir apparent, the said arms and ensigns with three labels called "thre labelles sylver;" Nevertheless, one Henry Howard, late of Kennynggale, K.G., otherwise called Henry earl of Surrey, on 7 Oct. 38 Hen. VIII., at Kennynggale, in the house of Thomas duke of Norfolk, his father, openly used, and traitorously caused to be depicted, mixed and conjoined with his own arms and ensigns, the said arms and ensigns of the King, with "thre labelles sylver."

    M. 10. Special commission of oyer and terminer to Henry Hoberthorn, mayor of London, Wriothesley, St. John, Russell, Hertford, Arundel, Essex, Lisle, Cheyney, Broun, Paget, Sir Ric. Lyster, Sir Edw. Mountagu, Sir Roger Cholmeley, Sir Edm. Mervyn, Sir Wm. Shelley, Sir Humph. Broun, Sir Thos. Bromeley, Sir John Hynde and Wm. Porteman, one of the justices of King's Bench, to hold sessions at the Guildhall of London to try, with a jury of Norfolk, the aforesaid indictment. Westm., 10 Jan. 38 Hen. VIII. [Fragment of Great Seal appended.]

    M. 8. Precept of Hoberthorn, Wriothesley and their fellow justices to the Constable of the Tower to bring Surrey before them at the Guildhall, 13 Jan. next at 8 a.m. Dated 11 Jan. [Endorsed as answered by Sir John Gage constable of the Tower.]

    M. 6. Precept to the sheriff of Norfolk for the return of the petty jury (24 men from the vicinage of Kennyngale) for the trial of Henry earl of Surrey. [Endorsed as answered by Henry Hubbert, sheriff.]

    M. 7. Jury panel annexed, viz., Sir Wm. Paston, Sir James Bulleyn, Sir Francis Lovell, Sir Richard Gresham, Sir John Gresham, Sir John Clere, Sir Thomas Clere, Sir William Woodhouse, knights, Christopher Heydon, Nicholas le Straunge, Miles Hubbert, Henry Bedyngfeld, Robert Berney, John Berney of Reddham, Thomas Tyndall, William Buttes, sen., George Huggard, Thomas Derham, John Brews, Osbert Mounford, John Goddysalff, Edmund Lomnor, John Castell and Edmund Byllyngford, esquires. [First twelve marked sworn.]

    M. 5. Writ of certiorari commanding Lord Borough and his fellow justices to certify the indictments into Chancery. Dated 11 Jan. 38 Hen. VIII.

    M. 1-4. Record of pleadings at the Guildhall 13 Jan., reciting first the commission of 10 Jan. to Hoberthorn and his fellow justices, whereupon, on 11 Jan. they ordered Lord Borough, &c., to send the indictments, the constable of the Tower to produce the body and the sheriff to return a jury. Lord Chancellor Wriothesley delivered the indictment (recited) as found at Norwich castle 7 Jan., Surrey was brought to the bar by Sir John Gage, Constable of the Tower, and pleaded Not Guilty. Jury instanter. Verdict, Guilty, and what property the said Howard possessed the jury know not. Sentence, to be taken back to the Tower and thence led through the city of London to the gallows at Tiborne, hanged, disembowelled, beheaded


    1584 – Death of Thomas Wentworth, 2nd Baron Wentworth.He was the eldest son of Thomas Wentworth, 1st Baron Wentworth and Margaret Fortescue. He studied at St John's College, Cambridge


    1593 – Death of Sir Henry Neville,he was a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber to King Henry VIII.


    1602-Death of Sir John Forster, English military commander and Warden of the Middle Marches.


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  • 11 January 1495 –Death of  Pedro González de Mendoza, Spanish cardinal

    1558 - Westmunster Church in Middelburg destroyed by heavy storm

    1591 – Birth of Robert Devereux, 3rd Earl of Essex, English general and politician 

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    12 January 1510 – Henry VIII’s first joust as King

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    1519 – Birth of Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor

    1547 – Thomas Howard, 3rd Duke of Norfolk signed a confession at the Tower of London

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    1559 – Elizabeth I travelled to the Tower of London to prepare for her coronation

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    1562 – Birth of Charles Emmanuel I, Duke of Savoy 


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  • 08 January 1499 – Louis XII of France marries Anne of Brittany.

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    1536 - Henry VIII celebrated the news of Catherine of Aragon’s death

    Eustace Chapuys wrote “the King was clad all over in yellow, from top to toe, except the white feather he had in his bonnet”

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    1541-Chapuys to the Queen of Hungary. 


    On the 3rd the lady Anne of Cleves sent the King a New Year's present of two large horses with violet velvet trappings and presented herself at Hampton Court with her suite, accompanied only by lord William, the Duke of Norfolk's brother, who happened to meet her on the road to this city. She was received by the Duchess of Suffolk, the Countess Darfort (of Hertford?) and other ladies, who conducted her to her lodgings and then to the Queen's apartments. Account of her interview with the Queen; whom she insisted on addressing on her knees, for all the Queen could say, who showed her the utmost kindness. The King then entered and, after a low bow to lady Anne, embraced and kissed her. She occupied a seat near the bottom of the table at supper, but after the King had retired the Queen and lady Anne danced together and next day all three dined together. At this time the King sent his Queen a present of a ring and two small dogs, which she passed over to lady Anne. That day lady Anne returned to Richmond.

    The Princess has not yet visited the new Queen, though she sent her a present on New Year's Day; at which her father was pleased, as well as at one he himself received from her. Is told he sent, her back two magnificent New Year's gifts from himself and the Queen. Despatches have come from the bp. of Winchester reporting the audience he had with “your Majesty.” The King and Council have been deliberating upon that despatch two days what answer to make, the expediency of sending into France, etc. They have sent two messengers thither within the last three days, and are going to send as ambassador the above lord William—a good young gentleman, but not suitable for such business; and Wallop will come back to take the command of Guisnes, though some say that has been given to Mr. Wingfield, vice-chamberlain and captain of the Body Guard. Some suspect Wallop has been recalled for fear he should withdraw, as the archdeacon of Lincoln did; for he was suspected at the time that he first returned to France, when the King sent several persons to find out the truth. Has heard nothing unpleasant yet about “your Majesty's” answer to the bp. of Winchester; these people seem satisfied with it. The Bp. made excuses for not having entered Valenciennes and spoken to “your Majesty” sooner about the said Archdeacon, whose withdrawal the Privy Councillors have been trying to keep as secret as possible, ordering all private letters to be opened to see if anything is said of it.

    The French ambassador sent word yesterday that he was going to Court to-day to present three venison pies, made of the largest wild boar ever killed in France, sent to the King by Francis. London,  Jan. 1541.


    1558 - French troops under duke de Guise occupy Calais


    1570 – Death of Henry Clifford, 2nd Earl of Cumberland


    1571 – Burial of Mary Shelton


    Today in Tudor History...


    09 January 1431 – Judges' investigations for the trial of Joan of Arc begin in Rouen, France, the seat of the English occupation government.


    1514 –Death of Anna, Duchess of Brittany 

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    1535- Chapuys to Charles V.

    Just after having finished my last letter of 30 Dec. I mounted horse to go with all possible haste "selon la grande compagnie que menvoie" to see the Queen. On my arrival she called roe at once, and that it might not be supposed her sickness was feigned and also because there was a friend of Cromwell's whom the King had sent to accompany me, or rather to spy and note all that was said and done, the Queen thought best, with my consent, that my conductor and the principal persons of the house, such as the chamberlain and steward, who had not seen her for more than a year, and several others, should be at our first interview. After I had kissed hands she took occasion to thank me for the numerous services I had done her hitherto and the trouble I had taken to come and see her, a thing that she had very ardently desired, thinking that my coming would be salutary for her, and, at all events, if it pleased God to take her, it would be a consolation to her to die under ray guidance (entre mes braz) and not unprepared, like a beast. I gave her every hope, both of her health and otherwise, informing her of the offers the King had made me of what houses she would, and to cause her to be paid the remainder of certain arrears, adding, for her further consolation, that the King was very sorry for her illness; and on this I begged her to take heart and get well, if for no other consideration, because the union and peace of Christendom depended upon her life. To show this I used many arguments, as had been prearranged with another person between the Queen and me, in order that my conductor and some of the bystanders might make report of it, so that by this means they might have the greater care of her life. After some other conversation, the Queen bade me rest after the fatigue of the journey, and meanwhile she thought she could sleep a little, which she had not done for two hours altogether during the six days previous. Shortly afterwards she sent for me again, and I spent full two hours in conversation with her, and though I several times wished to leave her for fear of wearying her, I could not do so, she said it was so great a pleasure and consolation. I spent the same period of time with her every day of the four days I staid there. She inquired about the health of your Majesty and the state of your affairs, and regretted her misfortune and that of the Princess, and the delay of remedy by which all good men had suffered in person and in goods, and so many ladies were going to perdition. But, on my showing her that your Majesty could not have done better than you had done hitherto, considering the great affairs which had hindered you, and also that the delay had not been without advantages (for, besides there being some hope that the French, who formerly solicited the favour of this King, would now turn their backs, there was this, that the Pope, by reason of the death of the cardinal of Rochester, and other disorders, intended to seek a remedy in the name of the Holy See, and thus, preparations being made at the instance of the Holy See, the King could not blame her as the cause), she was quite satisfied and thought the delay had been for the best. And as to the heresies here [I said] she knew well that God said there must of necessity be heresies and slanders for the exaltation of the good and confusion of the wicked, and that she must consider that the heresies were not so rooted here that they would not soon be remedied, and that it was to be hoped that those who had been deluded would afterwards be the most firm, like St. Peter after he had tripped. Of these words she showed herself very glad, for she had previously had some scruple of conscience because [the heresies] had arisen from her affair.

    Having staid there four days, and seeing that she began to take a little sleep, and also that her stomach retained her food, and that she was better than she had been, she thought, and her physician agreed with her (considering her out of danger), that I should return, so as not to abuse the licence the King had given me, and also to request the King to give her a more convenient house, as he had promised me at my departure. I therefore took leave of her on Tuesday evening, leaving her very cheerful; and that evening I saw her laugh two or three times, and about half an hour after I left her she desired to have some pastime (soy recreer) with one of my men "que fait du plaisant." On Wednesday morning one of her chamber told me that she had slept better. Her physician confirmed to me again his good hope of her health, and said I need not fear to leave, for, if any new danger arose, he would inform me with all diligence. Thereupon I started, and took my journey at leisure, lest any further news should overtake me on the road; but none came. This morning I sent to Cromwell to know when I could have audience of the King his master to thank him for the good eheer he had caused to be shown me in my journey, and also to speak about the said house. He sent to inform me of the lamentable news of the death of the most virtuous Queen, which took place on Friday the morrow of the Kings, about 2 p.m. This has been the most cruel news that could come to me, especially as I fear the good Princess will die of grief, or that the concubine will hasten what she has long threatened to do, viz., to kill her; and it is to be feared that there is little help for it. I will do my best to comfort her, in which a letter from your Majesty would help greatly. I cannot relate in detail the circumstances of the Queen's decease, nor how she has disposed of her affairs, for none of her servants has yet come. I know not if they have been detained.

    This evening, on sending to tell (qu. ask?) Cromwell what they had determined to do, that I might for my part do my duty, he told my man that just as he was entering the gate he had dispatched one of his own to inform me, on the part of the King and Council, that it was determined to give her a very solemn and honorable funeral both on account of her virtue and as having been wife of prince Arthur, and, moreover, for her lineage and relationship to your Majesty, and that, if I wished to be present, the King would send me some black cloth for myself and my servants, but that the time and place had not yet been arranged. I replied that, presuming that everything would be done duly, I agreed to be present, and that, as to the cloth, the King need not trouble himself about it, for I was provided. It is certain that they will not perform her exequies as Queen, but only as Princess, and for this reason I despatch in haste to Flanders one of my servants who will have time to go and come, that I may know how to conduct myself, for nothing will be done for 18 or 20 days. The Queen's illness began about five weeks ago, as I then wrote to your Majesty, and the attack was renewed on the morrow of Christmas day. It was a pain in the stomach, so violent that she could retain no food. I asked her physician several times if there was any suspicion of poison. He said he was afraid it was so, for after she had drunk some Welsh beer she had been worse, and that it must have been a slow and subtle poison for he could not discover evidences of simple and pure poison; but on opening her, indications will be seen. London, 9 Jan. 1535.


    1539 – Executions of Henry Pole, 1st Baron Montagu, and Henry Courtenay, Marquis of Exeter

    Today in Tudor History...

    1554 –Birth of Pope Gregory XV 


    1571 –Birth of Charles Bonaventure de Longueval, Count of Bucquoy


    10 January 1480 – Birth of Margaret of Austria, Duchess of Savoy 

    1645 – Archbishop William Laud is beheaded at the Tower of London.

    Today in Tudor History...



  • 7 January 1355 – Birth of Thomas of Woodstock, 1st Duke of Gloucester, English politician, Lord High Constable of England


    1502 –Birth of  Pope Gregory XIII 

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    1536-Death of Catherine of Aragon.She was Queen of England from 1509 until 1533 as the first wife of King Henry VIII; she was previously Princess of Wales as the wife of Prince Arthur.The daughter of Queen Isabella I of Castile and King Ferdinand II of Aragon, Catherine was three years old when she was betrothed to Prince Arthur, heir apparent to the English throne. They married in 1501, and Arthur died five months later. In 1507, she held the position of ambassador for the Spanish Court in England, becoming the first female ambassador in European history.Catherine subsequently married Arthur's younger brother, the recently succeeded Henry VIII, in 1509. For six months in 1513, she served as regent of England while Henry VIII was in France. During that time the English won the Battle of Flodden, an event in which Catherine played an important part.By 1525, Henry VIII was infatuated with his mistress, Anne Boleyn, and dissatisfied that his marriage to Catherine had produced no surviving sons, leaving their daughter, the future Mary I of England, as heiress presumptive at a time when there was no established precedent for a woman on the throne. He sought to have their marriage annulled, setting in motion a chain of events that led to England's schism with the Catholic Church. When Pope Clement VII refused to annul the marriage, Henry defied him by assuming supremacy over religious matters. In 1533 their marriage was declared invalid and Henry married Anne on the judgement of clergy in England, without reference to the Pope. Catherine refused to accept Henry as Supreme Head of the Church of England and considered herself the King's rightful wife and queen, attracting much popular sympathy.Despite this, she was acknowledged only as Dowager Princess of Wales by Henry. After being banished from court, she lived out the remainder of her life at Kimbolton Castle, and died there on 7 January 1536. Catherine's English subjects held her in high esteem, and her death set off tremendous mourning among the English people

    Today in Tudor History...

    Will of Catherine of Aragon


    Desires the King to let her have the goods she holds of him in gold and silver and the money due to her in time past; that her body may be buried in a convent of Observant Friars; that 500 masses be said for her soul; that some personage go to our Lady of Walsingham on pilgrimage and distribute 20 nobles on the way. Bequests: to Mrs. Darel 200l. for her marriage. To my daughter, the collar of gold which I brought out of Spain. To Mrs. Blanche 100l. To Mrs. Margery and Mrs. [Whyller] 40l. each. To Mrs. Mary, my physicians [wife, and] Mrs. Isabel, daughter to Mr. Ma[rguerite], 40l. each. To ray physician the year's coming [wages]. To Francisco Philippo all that I owe him, and 40l. besides. To Master John, my apothecary, [a year's wages] and all that is due to him besides. That Mr. Whiller be paid expenses about the making of my gown, and 20l. besides. To Philip, Anthony, and Bastian, 20l. each. To the little maidens 10l. each. That my goldsmith be paid his wages for the year coming and all that is due to him besides. That my lavander be paid what is due to her and her wages for the year coming. To Isabel of Vergas 20l. To my ghostly father his wages for the year coming. That ornaments be made of my gowns for the convent where I shall be [buried] "and the furs of the same 1 give to my daughter."


    1558 – France takes Calais, the last continental possession of England.


    1566 – Pope Pius V is elected.